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HISTORY 

O 

OF  THE 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830 

WITH 

AI.Ii  THE  ANECDOTES 

RELATING  TO  IT. 


By  J.  S.  & C.  C. 


“ Libertas,  carissima  populo!” — Sallust. 


PHILADELPHIA: 


Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania , to  toil : 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  That  on  the  eighth  day  of  Decem  ber* 
in  the  fifty-fifth  year  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  A.  D.  1830,  J.  S.  & C.  C.  of  the  said  district,  have  deposited 
in  this  office  the  title  of  a book,  the  right  whereof  they  claim  as 
proprietors,  in  the  words  following,  to  wit : 

“ History  of  the  French  Revolution  of  1830 : with  all  the  Anecdotes 
relating  to  it.  By  J.  S.  & C.  C. 

“ Libertas,  carissima  populo !”  Sallust. 

In  conformity  to  the  act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  intituled* 
44  An  act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies 
of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  co- 
pies, during  the  times  therein  mentioned”— and  also  to  the  act,  enti- 
tled, “ An  act  supplementary  to  an  act,  entitled,  ‘An  act  for  the  en- 
couragement of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and 
books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies  during  the  times 
therein  mentioned,’  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to  the  arts  of 
designing,  engraving,  and  etching  historical  and  other  prints.” 

D.  CALDWELL, 

Clerk  of  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 


fyy  oL 
S///  fi 

TO 

PETER  S.  DUPONCEAU,  LL.D. 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY, 
AND  ATHENjEUM  OF  PHILADELPHIA, 
CORRESPONDING  MEMBER  OF  THE  INSTITUTE  OF  FRANCE, 

fyc.  fyc. 

THE  FOLLOWING  PAGES , 

EMBRACING  THE 

HISTORY  OF  A MEMORABLE  ER  A IN  THE 
ANNALS  OF  HIS  COUNTRY, 

ARE, 

With  great  respect  and  consideration , 

DEDICATED, 

BY 

THE  AUTHORS. 


} ^ ^ 3 


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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/historyoffrenchr1830swai 


PREFACE. 


Among  the  events  that  transpired  on  the 
eastern  continent,  during  this  century,  none 
appear  in  a political  point  of  view,  so  preg- 
nant with  interest  and  importance  as  those 
of  which  we  are  about  to  give  the  minutes. 
The  recent  revolution  of  France  has  made 
an  axiom  of  the  trite  adage,  so  long  des- 
pised by  monarchs,  that  <e  the  will  of  the 
people  is  sovereign.”  History  does  not  re- 
cord a revolution  so  gloriously  conceived 
and  so  rapidly  executed.  In  other  times, 
Liberty,  like  a prude,  had  to  undergo  a ce- 
remonious, delusive,  and  tedious  course  of 
courtship ; her  glimpses  were  few  and  far 
between;  and  what  seemed  favours  from 
her,  were  only  smiles : hut  France,  laying 
aside  the  trammels  of  formality  and  time, 
flew  to  the  goddess,  and  at  once  embraced 
her.  Three  days  saw  the  French  hurl  the 
despot  from  his  throne,  disperse  his  minions, 
model  their  government,  and  erect  the  fane 


iv 


PREFACE. 


of  liberty  on  the  ruins  of  aristocracy.  We 
have  only  to  regret  that  their  enthusiasm 
was  not  of  longer  duration,  and  that  they 
permitted  a relique  of  the  despotic  family  of 
the  Bourbons,  however  restricted  his  power, 
to  wield  a sceptre  over  them.  Undoubtedly 
they  fought  for  republicanism,  and  they 
should  have  obtained  it;  but,  as  the  illus- 
trious Count  de  Survilliers  remarks,  and 
we  coincide  in  his  judgment,  “the  fate  of 
the  revolution  is  not  yet  decided.”  The  rea- 
sons of  influential  men  (who,  by  the  way, 
lost  neither  a drop  of  blood  nor  sweat  in  the 
revolution)  for  installing  the  Duke  of  Or- 
leans, are  nugatory  and  unsatisfactory. 

With  regard  to  our  work,  we  have  only 
to  remark,  that  a part  of  it  comprises  a free 
translation  of  a Parisian  pamphlet,  entitled 
“ L’Histoirc  de  la  Regeneration  de  la  Li- 
hert6.” 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 

FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


CHAPTER  I. 

State  of  France. — Charles  the  Tenth  ly  an  Ordinance 
dissolves  the  Chamber , suspends  the  Liberty  of  the 
Press,  and  changes  the  Electoral  System. — Effects  of 
this  Policy. 

26th,  27th  of  July,  1830. 

The  elections  had  just  terminated  to  the 
great  and  unanimous  satisfaction  of  France. 
The  most  profound  calm,  and  perfect  order 
reigned  as  well  in  Paris  as  in  the  depart- 
ments. The  citizens  could  not  credit  the 
report,  notwithstanding  the  reiterated  me- 
naces of  ministerial  journals,  that  the  court 
had  resolved  on  striking  the  blow  with  the 
political  sword  so  repeatedly  brandished 
over  their  heads,  and  as  uniformly  returned, 
a 2 


6 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


in  dread,  to  its  scabbard.  They  could  not 
imagine  that  audacity,  associated  with  mad- 
ness, would  hurry  their  rulers  to  the  execu- 
tion of  such  a flagitious  scheme,  and  awaited 
with  confidence  the  dawn  of  the  next  day, 
when  their  assembled  deputies  should  adju- 
dicate a ministry  which  had  been  for  one 
year  an  incubus  on  the  country,  compromis- 
ing its  honour,  and  undermining  its  liber- 
ties. 

The  royal  government  seemed  to  have  re- 
nounced every  hostile  project  against  the 
chambers.  Sealed  letters  had  been  address- 
ed to  the  peers  of  France;  the  session  was 
to  open  on  the  third  of  August. 

But  while  the  citizens,  full  of  confidence 
in  the  legal  order,  expected  justice  from  the 
firmness  and  devotion  of  their  commission- 
ers, the  most  execrable  intrigues  were  plot- 
ting at  court,  and  the  project  which  they 
imagined  the  ministry  dared  not  attempt, 
was  on  the  eve  of  being  accomplished. 

It  is  a remarkable  circumstance,  that  the 
secret  had  been  religiously  kept,  and  the  peo- 
ple, full  of  respect  for  the  duties  imposed  on 
them,  should  feel  themselves  as  full  of  confi- 
dence in  their  chartered  rights,  even  at  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  7 

very  moment  when  every  thing  was  wrested 
from  them. 

All  at  once,  on  the  morning  of  the  26th  of 
July,  the  Moniteur  announced  to  France  that 
the  work  of  iniquity  so  often  and  so  long 
menaced,  was  at  length  consummated:  One 
ordinance  suspends  the  liberty  of  the  press; 
another  dissolves  the  chamber,  not  yet  as- 
sembled; a third  changes  and  upsets  the  law 
of  elections,  the  real  palladium  of  French 
liberty.  It  was  under  cover,  and  in  the  name, 
of  the  charter,  that  the  charter  itself  was 
violated;  the  fourteenth  article  stating  that 
the  king  makes  ordinances  for  the  execution  of 
the  laws , was  wofully  tortured,  and  the  pact 
between  the  nation  and  the  king  was  wrested 
to  prove  the  divine  right,  the  constituent 
power,  and  a mass  of  other  absurdities  as 
odious  as  they  are  infamous. 

The  despotic  decree  for  dissolving  the 
chamber  of  deputies  is  couched  in  the  fol- 
lowing words: 

CHARLES,  °yc.  To  all  those  to  whom  these 
presents  may  come , Greeting: 

In  consequence  of  article  50,  of  the  Con- 
stitutional charter. 


s 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Being  informed  of  the  manoeuvres  that 
have  been  practised  in  many  quarters  of  our 
kingdom,  to  deceive  and  mislead  the  electors 
during  the  last  operations  of  the  electoral 
colleges. 

Our  council  being  heard, 

We  have  ordained  and  do  ordain: 

Article  I.  The  Chamber  of  Deputies  of 
the  Departments  is  dissolved. 

II.  Our  minister,  Secretary  of  State  of  the 
Interior,  is  charged  with  the  execution  of  the 
present  ordinance. 

Given  at  St.  Cloud,  July  25,  of  the  year 
of  Grace,  1830,  and  of  our  reign  the  6th. 

CHARLES. 

By  the  King. 

The  President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers, 
Count  de  Peyronnet. 

The  ordinance  for  suspending  the  liberty 
of  the  press  ran  as  follows: 

CHARLES,  &fc. 

Upon  the  report  of  our  Council  of  Ministers, 
we  have  ordained  and  do  ordain,  as  follows: — 

Article  I.  The  liberty  of  the  periodical 
press  is  suspended. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  9 

II.  The  dispositions  of  articles  1st,  2d, 
and  9th,  of  the  law  of  Oct.  21,  1814,  are  fully- 
restored. 

Consequently,  no  periodical  or  semi-pe- 
riodical journal  and  writing,  established  or 
to  be  established,  without  distinction  of  the 
matters  which  shall  be  treated  of  therein, 
can  appear  either  in  Paris  or  in  the  depart- 
ments, but  by  virtue  of  the  authorization 
which  the  authors  and  printers  shall  have 
obtained  separately  from  us. 

This  authorization  must  be  renewed  every 
three  months. 

It  may  be  revoked. 

III.  The  authorization  may  be  provision- 
ally granted  and  provisionally  withdrawn  by 
the  Prefects  from  the  journals,  and  periodi- 
cal or  semi-periodical  works  published  or  to 
be  published  in  the  departments. 

IV.  The  journals  and  writings  published 
in  contravention  of  Art.  2,  shall  be  immedi- 
ately seized.  The  presses  and  types  which 
may  have  been  used  in  printing  them,  shall 
be  placed  in  a public  depot  under  seal,  or 
shall  be  put  out  of  use. 

V.  No  writing  under  twenty  sheets  shall 
appear  without  the  authorization  of  our  Mi- 


10 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


nister,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  Interior  at 
Paris,  and  of  the  Prefects  in  the  departments. 
Every  writing  of  more  than  twenty  sheets 
which  shall  not  constitute  a complete  work 
of  itself,  shall  be  also  required  to  be  autho- 
rized. Writings  published  without  authori- 
zation shall  be  immediately  seized.  The 
presses  and  types  which  shall  have  been  used 
in  printing  them,  shall  be  placed  in  a public 
depot  and  under  seal,  or  put  out  of  use. 

VI.  Memoirs  of  learned  or  literary  socie- 
ties shall  be  submitted  to  the  previous  autho- 
rization, if  they  treat  in  the  whole  or  in  part 
of  political  matters,  in  which  case  the  mea- 
sures prescribed  in  Art.  3,  shall  be  applica- 
ble to  them. 

VII.  Every  disposition  contrary  to  the  pre- 
sent ordinance  shall  be  void. 

VIII.  The  execution  of  the  present  ordi- 
nance shall  take  place  in  conformity  with  the 
4th  article  of  the  ordinance  of  the  27th  Nov. 
1816,  and  of  what  is  prescribed  by  that  of 
Jan.  18,  1817. 

IX.  Our  Ministers,  Secretaries  of  State, 
shall  be  charged  with  the  execution  of  the 
present  ordinance. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  11 

Given  at  our  Castle  of  St.  Cloud,  the  25th 
of  July,  1830,  and  the  sixth  of  our  reign. 

CHARLES. 

By  the  King. 

The  President  of  the  Council  of  Mi- 
nisters, Prince  de  Polignac. 

The  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  Minister  Se- 
cretary of  State  and  of  Justice, 

Chantelauze. 

The  Minister  Secretary  of  State  for 
the  Department  of  the  Finances, 

Montbel. 

The  Minister  of  Ecclesiastical  Affairs 
and  of  Public  Instruction, 

The  Count  Guernon  Ranville. 

The  Minister,  Secretary  of  State  of 
Public  Works,  Baron  Cappelle. 

Next  succeeded  an  ordinance  materially 
changing  the  rules  of  election,  to  which  was 
appended  the  decree  for  the  convocation  of 
a new  Chamber. 

CHARLES , fyc.  By  the  Grace  of  God, 
King  of  France  and  Navarre.  To  all  those 
to  whom  these  presents  may  come,  greeting: 
In  accordance  with  the  royal  ordinance,  bear- 
ing date  of  this  day,  relative  to  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Electoral  Colleges,  upon  the  re- 


12 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


port  of  our  Minister  of  the  Interior,  we  have 
ordained  and  ordain  as  follows: 

Art.  I.  The  Electoral  Colleges  shall  as- 
semble, namely,  the  electoral  colleges  of  ar- 
rondissement,  the  sixth  of  September  next; 
and  the  electoral  college  of  the  Departments, 
the  18th  of  the  same  month. 

II.  The  Chamber  of  Peers  and  the  Chamber 
of  the  Deputies  of  Departments  are  convoked 
for  the  28th  of  the  month  of  September  next. 

III.  Our  Minister  of  the  Interior  is  charged 
with  the  execution  of  the  present  ordinance. 

Given  at  our  Palace  of  St.  Cloud,  the  25th 
of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1830,  and  the 
sixth  of  our  reign.  CHARLES. 

By  the  King. 

The  Minister  of  the  Interior, 

Count  de  Peyronnet. 

In  a moment  these  ordinances  were  known 
to  the  people,  who  crowded  into  the  public 
places  to  read  them;  they  were  restless  and 
agitated;  imprecations  escaped  from  every 
lip,  and  this  dereliction  of  legal  order  which 
the  nation  experienced  was  succeeded  by  a 
thirst  for  vengeance,  which  every  instant 
seemed  to  render  more  insupportable. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  13 

Towards  evening,  however,  affairs  assumed 
a more  peaceful  appearance;  the  melancholy 
surprise  was  followed  by  a sentiment  of  con- 
fidence in  the  patriotism  of  the  people;  they 
relied  on  the  power  of  public  opinion,  to 
judge  of  the  exaggerated  and  ridiculous  pre- 
tensions of  the  monarch,  a bigoted  dotard, 
whose  whole  life  had  been  but  one  prolonged 
period  of  infancy;  they  gave  vent  to  their 
indignation,  but  no  disturbance  yet  manifest- 
ed itself;  it  was  still  easy  to  perceive  that  a 
future  explosion  was  inevitable.  Before  the 
close  of  day  numerous  groups  of  people  as- 
sembled in  every  quarter;  they  met  at  the 
Palais-Royale ; consulted,  proposed  resist- 
ance; the  thunder-cloud  lowered  and  thicken- 
ed every  instant;  the  citizens  felt  the  advan- 
tage of  their  position;  it  was  in  the  name  of 
the  law,  it  was  for  their  plighted  fidelity  that 
they  deliberated  on  their  defence.  Some 
mounted  on  chairs  in  the  garden  and  ha- 
rangued the  pressing  crowd  around  them; 
indignation  warmed  them  into  eloquence,  and 
their  words  found  in  every  place  an  echo. 

As  to  the  ministry,  it  was  calm;  it  had 
counted  on  some  agitation,  but  it  hoped  that 
the  soldiers  would  be  able  to  enforce  obe- 


B 


14 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


dience  on  the  citizens,  by  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  About  ten  o’clock  many  platoons 
of  these  soldiers  burst  into  the  garden,  and 
the  gleaming  bayonets  were  pointed  against 
the  unarmed  citizens.  In  a moment  they 
were  surrounded,  broken  on  every  side;  their 
insolent  summonses  were  answered  by  hoot- 
ings,  and  they  who  entered  the  garden  with 
the  intention  of  clearing  it,  were  the  first  to 
retreat  from  its  limits. 

These  first  tumults  did  not  intimidate  the 
infamous  violators  of  liberty.  They  counted 
on  rallying,  and  left  the  reclamations  of  the 
people  to  be  answered  by  the  swords  of  the 
soldiery;  the  massacres  of  Rue  St.  Denis  was 
present  to  their  memories,  and  the  laurels  of 
Delavau  disturbed  the  slumbers  of  Mangin. 
On  the  morning  of  Tuesday,  this  last  person 
called  to  him  the  commander  of  the  soldiery. 
He  conversed  with  him  on  the  subject  of  the 
resistance,  by  which  the  orders  of  the  perju- 
red king  would  be  inevitably  confronted,  and 
proposed  to  him  to  arrest  immediately  every 
peer  and  deputy  on  the  opposition,  who 
should  be  found  in  Paris.  “ What  think  you 
of  this  measure?”  asked  he.  “ It  would  be 
excellent  if  it  were  complete.”  “ What  do 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  15 

you  mean  to  say?”  “ That  we  should  take 
in,  with  the  deputies  and  peers  of  whom  you 
spoke,  all  the  editors  on  the  opposition.” 
“ I thought  of  that  at  first,  but  after  mature 
reflection,  it  appeared  to  me,  that  such  a 
plan  would  be  making  too  much  of  these 
scribblers.”  “ It  is  not  sufficient  to  strike 
straight,  but  strong.”  “ Thus  you  take  upon 
yourself  to  arrest  the  peers  and  deputies?” 
“ Doubtless,  but  I must  have  a written 
order” 

Mangin  was  not  prepared  to  hear  such  a 
demand;  his  heart  failed  him,  and  he  refused 
to  sign  the  order. 

The  minister  Polignac,  however,  neglect- 
ed nothing  to  insure  a complete  and  easy 
victory;  wine  and  brandy  were  lavished  in 
the  barracks;  cartridges  were  distributed, 
and  each  soldier  of  the  royal  guard  received 
an  augmentation  of  ten  francs  to  his  pay. 

On  the  evening  of  the  26th  there  was  no 
other  disturbance  than  that  which  occurred 
at  the  Palais-Royale,  and  which  the  gen- 
darmes endeavoured  to  allay;  the  ordinance 
was  then  known  only  to  a few  citizens;  but 
on  the  next  morning,  all  Paris  knew  it;  they 
knew  that  the  liberty  of  the  press  was  sus- 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


16 

pended,  that  the  elections  were  broken  up, 
that  the  law  by  virtue  of  which  those  elec- 
tions were  made,  was  annulled;  and  the  min- 
istry, as  if  they  had  not  already  committed 
enough  of  crimes,  accompanied  these  orders 
by  an  insulting  raillery.  It  was,  said  they, 
for  respect  to  the  charter,  established  be- 
tween the  people  and  power,  that  power 
tore  up  the  charter,  and  trampled  it  under 
foot!  At  the  heel  of  these  ordinances  came 
forth  another,  which  conferred  the  title  of 
counsellors  of  state  on  men  long  and  justly 
attached  to  public  opinion;  there  were  Du- 
don,  Delavau,  Franchet,  and  Conny. 

Such  extravagant  hardihood  appeared  in- 
credible; every  one  asked  himself  if  he  was 
not  the  dupe  of  some  guilty  mystification; 
when  Mangin  dissipated  their  doubts,  by 
causing  an  ordinance  to  be  placarded,  for- 
bidding the  public  establishments  to  receive 
or  distribute  the  independent  journals  that 
would  have  the  courage  to  brave  and  oppose 
the  insolent  ordinances.  At  the  same  time 
the  commissaries  of  police  and  gendarmes 
surrounded  the  offices  of  liberal  papers  for 
the  purpose  of  seizing  the  presses,  breaking 
up  the  forms,  and  violating  the  editors’  desks 
by  open  force.  The  editors  every  where  re- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  17 

fused  obedience,  and  it  was  found  necessary 
to  burst  open  the  doors  to  get  into  the  print- 
ing offices. 

Full  of  confidence  in  the  magistracy,  seve- 
ral journalists  immediately  presented  a peti- 
tion to  Mr.  Debelleyme,  president  of  the  first 
tribunal  of  law  cases,  who  instantly  sent 
them  the  following  ordinance  of  report: 

“ Whereas  the  royal  ordinance  of  the  king, 
in  July  25th,  relative  to  the  periodical  press, 
has  not  been  promulgated  according  to  the 
formalities  prescribed  in  Art.  4,  of  the  or- 
dinance of  the  27th  of  November,  1826,  and 
in  Art.  1,  of  the  ordinance  of  the  18  th  of 
January,  1817;  considering  that  it  is  just  to 
grant  the  existing  journals  a necessary  delay 
to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  Art.  2,  of  the  afore- 
said ordinance,  as  an  interruption  in  the 
publication  of  the  periodicals  might  be  pre- 
judicial to  them;  wre  therefore  ordain  that 

Mr.  proceed  in  the  composition  and 

impression  of  the  Journal , that  is  to  ap- 

pear to-morrow,  which  will  be  provisionally 
done,  as  an  ordinance  of  report  on  the  mi- 
nutes, and  before  it  shall  be  registered  on 
the  rolls. 

(Signed) 

b 2 


“ Debelleyme.” 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


IS 

The  journals  appeared;  the  greater  part 
of  them  contained  the  subsequent  energetic 
protestation  of  the  editors: 

“It  has  been  often  announced  in  the  last 
six  months,  that  the  laws  would  be  violated, 
that  the  blow  of  despotism  would  be  struck. 
The  good  sense  of  the  public  refused  cre- 
dence to  the  report.  The  ministry  rejected 
the  idea  as  a calumny.  The  Moniteur,  how- 
ever, has  at  length  published  these  memora- 
ble ordinances,  which  are  a most  glaring 
violation  of  the  laws.  The  reign  of  the  laws 
is  therefore  interrupted,  that  of  force  has 
begun. 

“ In  our  situation,  obedience  ceases  to  be 
a duty.  The  citizens  who  were  first  called 
to  obey,  are  the  writers  for  the  journals; 
they  should  set  the  first  examples  of  resist- 
ance to  an  authority  which  has  lost  every 
attribute  of  law. 

“ The  reasons  on  which  they  ground  them- 
selves are  such,  that  it  is  only  necessary  to 
mention  them. 

“ The  matters  regulated  by  the  ordinances 
published  to-day,  are  such  as  the  royal  au- 
thority alone  cannot,  in  accordance  with 
the  charter,  determine.  The  charter  (Arti- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  19 

cle  8,)  states  that  the  French,  in  matters  re- 
garding the  press,  shall  be  bound  to  conform 
to  the  laws.  The  charter  (Article  35,)  states 
that  the  organization  of  electoral  colleges 
shall  be  regulated  by  the  laws;  it  does  not 
say  by  ordinances 

“ The  crown  itself,  up  to  this  date,  ac- 
knowledged these  articles;  it  did  not  dream 
of  rising  in  arms  against  them,  whether 
under  pretext  of  a constituent  power,  or  of 
a power  falsely  attributed  to  article  14. — 
In  every  case,  in  fact,  where  serious  circum- 
stances appeared  to  it  to  require  a modi- 
fication in  matters  relating  to  the  press, 
or  the  electoral  system,  it  has  had  re- 
course to  the  two  chambers.  When  it  was 
found  necessary  to  modify  the  charter,  for 
the  establishment  of  septennial  meetings, 
and  the  entire  renewal,  it  had  recourse,  not 
to  itself  as  the  author  of  this  charter,  but  to 
the  chambers. 

“ Royalty  has  then  acknowledged,  nay 
practised  the  8th  and  35th  articles;  and  arro- 
gated to  itself,  with  respect  to  them,  neither 
a constituent  authority  nor  a dictatorial  au- 
thority which  exists  nowhere. 

“ The  tribunals,  to  whom  belongs  the 


20 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


right  of  interpretation,  have  solemnly  ac- 
knowledged these  same  principles.  The 
royal  court  of  Paris,  and  many  others,  have 
condemned  the  publishers  of  the  Association 
Bretonnc , as  authors  of  an  outrage  against 
government.  It  has  considered  as  an  out- 
rage, the  supposition  that  government  can 
act  on  the  authority  of  ordinances,  in  a case 
in  which  the  authority  of  the  law  can  alone 
be  admitted. 

“ Thus  the  formal  text  of  the  charter,  the 
practice  followed  up  to  this  day  by  the  crown, 
the  decisions  of  the  tribunals,  establish  that 
in  matters  relating  to  the  press  and  the  elec- 
toral organization,  the  laws,  that  is  to  say, 
the  king  and  the  chambers  can  alone  deter- 
mine. 

“ Government  has  therefore  violated  the 
laws.  We  are  dispensed  from  obedience. 
We  shall  attempt  to  publish  our  paper  with- 
out asking  the  sanction  of  those  who  have 
imposed  this  ordinance  on  us.  We  shall 
exert  ourselves  for  this  day,  at  least,  in  order 
that  all  France  may  be  apprized  of  the  cir- 
cumstance. 

“ This  is  what  our  duty  as  citizens  exacts 
from  us,  and  we  will  fulfil  it. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  21 

MIt  is  not  our  place  to  instruct  in  these  du- 
ties the  chamber  which  has  been  illegally  dis- 
solved. We  can  only  beg  of  it,  in  the  name  of 
France,  to  depend  upon  its  manifest  rights, 
and  to  resist  as  much  as  lies  in  its  power,  the 
violation  of  the  laws.  These  rights  are  as  cer- 
tain as  those  on  which  we  build.  The  charter 
says  (Article  50)  that  the  king  has  the  power 
of  dissolving  the  chamber  of  deputies;  but  in 
order  to  do  this,  it  is  necessary  that  they 
should  have  met  to  constitute  a chamber, 
that  they  should  have  committed  some  fault 
which  might  justify  his  conduct  in  dissolving 
them.  But,  before  the  meeting  of  the  depu- 
ties, nothing  had  occurred,  to  draw  upon 
them  the  odium  of  government,  save  their 
having  been  elected.  Now,  no  part  of  the 
charter  says  that  the  king  has  power  to  inva- 
lidate the  elections.  The  ordinances  pub- 
lished to-day  nullify  the  elections,  they  are 
therefore  illegal,  because  they  do  a thing  un- 
authorized by  the  charter. 

“ The  elected  deputies,  appointed  to  meet 
on  3d  of  August,  are  therefore  lawfully  and 
duly  elected  and  convoked.  Their  right  is 
the  same  to-day  as  it  was  yesterday.  France 
expects  them  not  to  forget  it.  They  should 


22 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


exert  themselves  strenuously  to  insist  upon 
having  their  rights. 

“ Government  has  now  lost  its  character 
of  legality  which  alone  commands  obedience. 
We  shall  resist  it  inasmuch  as  concerns  our- 
selves; it  remains  for  France  to  determine  to 
what  point  she  should  carry  her  resistance. 

“ Signed  by  the  publishers  and  editors  of 
journals,  who  were  actually  present  in  Paris. 


> Editors  of  the  National. 


Messieurs 

Guaja,  Publisher  of  the  National. 
Thiers, 

Mignet, 

Carrel, 

Chambolle, 

Peysse, 

Stapfer, 

Dubochet, 

Rolle, 

Leroux,  Publisher  of  the  Globe. 

Dejean, 

De  Guizard, 

Sarrans,  Jr.  Publisher  of  the  Courier. 

MoStte,  \ Editors  of  the  Courier- 
Fabre,  Chief  Editor  of  the  Tribune. 
Annee, 

Editors  of  the  Comtitutionel. 


Editors  of  the  Globe. 


Gauchois 

Lemaire, 


s,  j. 

> J 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


23 


Senty,  1 

Haussmann,  v Editors  of  the  Times. 
Dussard,  J 
Avenel,  Editor  of  the  Courier  Frangais. 
Levasseuk,  Editor  of  the  Revolution. 
Dumoulin, 

Jussieu,  Editor  of  the  Courier  F'angais. 
Chatelain,  Publisher  of  the  Courier  Fran- 
gais. 

Plagnol,  Chief  Editor  of  the  Revolution. 
Fazi,  Editor  of  the  Revolution. 


7 


Editors  of  the  Times. 


BuzoNi, 

Barbaroux, 

Chalas, 

Billiard, 

Ader,  Editor  of  the  Tribune. 

Larreguy,  of  the  Journal  of  Commerce. 
Dupont,  of  the  Courier  Frangais. 
Remusat,  of  the  Globe. 

De  Laperouse,  of  the  Courier  Frangais. 

Boiiain,  ? jgigaro # 

ROQUEPLAN,  3 ° 

Cosie,  > tjie  grimes. 

Baude,3 

Bert,  of  the  Commerce. 

Pillet,  of  the  Journal  of  Paris. 
Vaillant,  of  the  Sylphe. 

Numerous  groups  formed  anew  in  the 


24 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


garden  of  the  Palais-Royale;  the  independent 
journals  were  distributed  on  all  sides,  and  as 
on  the  day  before,  orators  mounted  on  chairs 
and  tables  to  harangue  the  people.  They 
adverted  to  their  neglected  rights;  they 
preached  resistance  in  the  name  of  the  law; 
and  thunders  of  applause  followed  in  every 
quarter  their  courageous  harangues.  Armed 
forces,  as  on  the  preceding  evening,  presented 
themselves  to  drive  the  crowd  from  the  gar- 
den, which  were  immediately  shut.  But  this 
time  the  crowd  did  not  disperse,  on  the  con- 
trary, it  increased  every  moment,  and  all  the 
neighbouring  streets  were  soon  thronged. 
The  students  of  law  and  medicine,  almost  in  a 
solid  mass,  occupied  Rue  St.  Honore;  citizens 
of  every  class  assembled,  some  unarmed,  some 
with  clubs.  The  infantry  and  cavalry  at- 
tempted to  drive  back  the  citizens,  and  obey- 
ing too  faithfully  the  orders  they  had  re- 
ceived, charged  on  the  defenceless  people; 
many  fell,  women,  children,  old  men  were 
thrown  down  and  trampled  under  the  hoofs 
of  the  horses.  A cry  of  indignation  resound- 
ed every  where;  two  cart  loads  of  bricks,  des- 
tined for  repairing  the  Palais-Royale,  were 
seized  upon  by  the  people;  every  thing  that 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  25 

fell  under  their  hands  was  converted  into 
an  implement  of  war,  and  myriads  of  projec- 
tiles were  hurled  against  the  soldiers.  The 
crowd  insensibly  increased ; it  reached  to  the 
cpiays  and  the  boulevards.  The  gendarmes  on 
their  side  received  reinforcements;  charges 
rapidly  succeeded  each  other,  and  were  an- 
swered with  showers  of  stones  and  brickbats 
by  the  people.  No  one  retreated,  and  the 
air  resounded  with  shouts  of  huzza  for  the 
charter! 

At  eight  o’clock  the  mob  was  immense; 
several  streets  were  torn  up  to  stop  the 
charges  of  cavalry.  At  this  moment  the 
gendarmes  commenced  a brisk  fire  on  the 
Rue  St.  Honore.  The  first  discharge  had 
numerous  victims  among  the  youth  of  the 
school  to  the  right,  who,  instead  of  flying, 
rallied  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  Shouts 
of  arms!  give  us  arms!  were  heard  in  every 
place.  Presently  the  people  broke  into 
the  shops  of  the  gunsmiths  and  armourers; 
swords,  pistols,  daggers,  powder,  balls,  every 
thing  was  carried  off,  and  even  objects  of 
luxury  became  instruments  of  battle. 

Meanwhile  the  residents  of  the  streets  in 
which  these  charges  took  place,  filled  their 


c 


26 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


rooms  with  tiles,  paving  stones,  and  broken 
bottles,  to  be  projected  from  the  windows; 
the  defence  was  made  with  admirable  unani- 
mity; the  firing  was  interrupted,  barricades 
were  thrown  up;  and  the  young  men  who 
could' procure  arms,  discharged  under  cover 
of  these  hastily  constructed  entrenchments, 
a continual  volley  on  the  troops. 

At  ten  o’clock  the  discharges  of  musquet- 
ry  had  ceased;  the  atmosphere  was  illumi- 
nated by  the  glare  of  the  conflagration  of  the 
exchange,  which  had  been  set  on  fire  by  the 
king’s  body  guard,  and  which  the  people  had 
taken  possession  of,  after  having  put  the 
military  to  flight;  in  the  streets,  and  the 
boulevards,  legions  of  combatants  hastily 
organized,  prepared  to  resist  the  most  fu- 
rious attack. 

The  troops  felt  the  impossibility  of  conti- 
nuing in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  a conflict 
which  had  already  been  so  disastrous  to 
them;  they  retired,  and  the  firing  ceased; 
but  the  defenders  of  liberty  could  not  slum- 
ber in  false  security;  they  passed  the  rest  of 
the  night  in  providing  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, and  in  preparing  to  make  on  the  ensu- 
ing day,  a vigorous  and  heroic*  defence. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  27 

This  evening  was  decisive,  and  govern- 
ment at  this  juncture,  might  perceive  that 
the  law  which  it  attempted  to  transgress, 
would  be  enforced  by  the  people;  the  troops 
of  the  line  gave  proof  of  their  reluctance  to 
march  against  the  people;  the  50th  regi- 
ment, and  the  5th  light  infantry  absolutely 
refused  to  fire.  As  for  the  gendarmes,  used 
to  shedding  the  blood  of  defenceless  men, 
the  very  appearance  of  the  armed  students 
intimidated  them,  and  a great  number  of 
them  only  waited  for  a pretext  to  lay  down 
their  arms. 


28 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  Emblems  of  Royalty  are  torn  down. — The  Posts  are 
attached  by  the  People. — Attack  and  Capture  of  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  the  Louvre,  and  the  Tuileries. 

28th  and  29th  of  July. 

The  night  was  calm,  but  this  calm  pre- 
saged a storm.  Preparations  for  the  fight 
were  making  in  every  quarter.  The  national 
guards,  who  had  preserved  their  arms,  dis- 
posed themselves  to  convert  them  to  a patri- 
otic use. 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  the  people 
acted  on  the  offensive;  detachments  of  trades- 
men ran  through  the  streets,  seizing  every 
where  on  emblems  of  royalty,  to  make  bon- 
fires of  them.  Towards  nine  o’clock,  almost 
every  post  occupied  by  the  gendarmes  and 
soldiers  of  the  line  had  been  carried  by  force. 
At  ten  o’clock,  a hundred  workmen,  some  of 
whom  were  armed  only  with  rusty  sabres 
and  old  swords,  after  having  formed  them- 
selves into  ranks  as  regularly  as  they  could, 
marched  towards  the  Seine;  then,  falling 
into  ranks  before  the  Pont-au-Change,  forced 


TRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  29 

a military  post  established  on  the  Place-du- 
Chatelet.  The  first  that  penetrated  into  the 
ranks  of  the  body  guards,  armed  themselves 
■with  the  muskets  and  cartridges  of  the  sol- 
diers, and  with  cries  of  huzza  for  the  charter! 
they  set  out  to  march  towards  the  Hotel  de 
Ville,  which  was  occupied  by  a numerous 
body  of  the  military,  cavalry  as  well  as  in- 
fantry. When  these  brave  fellows  arrived 
at  the  middle  of  the  Place  de  Greve,  they 
halted;  three  or  four  of  them  left  the  ranks, 
and  advanced  for  the  purpose  of  holding  a 
parley  with  the  soldiers,  but  were  greeted  by 
a brisk  fire  of  musketry;  those  who  had  arms 
returned  the  salute  with  vigour,  but  unhap- 
pily their  scanty  supply  of  ammunition  was 
soon  exhausted.  The  gendarmes,  ranged  in 
line  of  battle,  continued  the  fire;  all  at  once 
the  workmen  rushed  upon  their  bayonets, 
and  grappled  with  them,  man  to  man;  the 
combat  was  not  of  long  duration;  the  sol- 
diers fled  in  tumultuous  disorder,  abandoning 
their  arms  and  their  wounded  companions. 

After  the  lapse  of  half  an  hour,  the  sound 
of  a drum  was  heard;  it  proceeded  from  a de- 
tachment of  the  royal  guard  which  was  ad- 
vancing to  retake  the  Hotel.  The  firing  be- 
c 2 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


30 

gan;  the  guard  charged,  but  being  driven 
back,  they  retreated  precipitately  towards 
the  quay;  but  at  that  moment  another  band 
of  workmen  ranged  themselves  on  the  bridge 
of  Notre  Dame.  The  royal  guards,  sur- 
rounded on  every  side,  sought  to  secure  a 
passage  by  the  bayonet.  Some  only  were 
saved;  others  plunged  into  the  river,  the  rest 
were  killed. 

Marmont,  duke  of  Ragusa,  was  invested 
with  the  command;  a choice  worthy  of  the 
man  and  of  the  ministry.  Paris  was  de- 
clared to  be  in  a state  of  siege,  and  the  au- 
thorities displayed  an  imposing  force.  New 
regiments  were  brought  in  during  the  night, 
the  gendarmes,  the  royal  guard,  the  troops 
of  the  line,  and  the  Swiss  regiments  were  all 
put  into  motion  at  once.  Two  thousand 
men  of  these  different  troops,  directed  their 
course  towards  the  Hotel  de  Ville;  they  were 
rallied  on  the  road  by  one  squadron  of  cuiras- 
seurs,  and  another  of  lancers,  with  four  pieces 
of  cannon.  During  the  firing,  the  citizens 
stood  their  ground  undauntedly;  a shower  of 
bullets  flew  whistling  in  every  direction. 
The  citizens  on  their  part  hurled  down  from 
their  windows,  tiles,  paving  stones,  and 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  31 

broken  bottles  at  the  military;  others  lying 
in  ambuscade  behind  the  corners  of  the 
streets,  were  firing  incessantly;  the  place 
was  soon  covered  with  dead  bodies.  The 
enemy’s  cannon  also  made  frightful  ravages, 
and  did  horrible  execution  among  the  patri- 
otic ranks.  After  an  hour  of  the  most 
bloody  fight,  the  workmen  entrenched  in  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  were  obliged,  for  want  of  car- 
tridges, to  abandon  a post  they  had  so  valiant- 
ly defended;  they  retreated  from  the  back 
part  of  the  Hotel  in  good  order,  and  full  of 
enthusiasm  to  return  to  the  charge. 

As  long  as  these  brave  champions  of  liber- 
ty were  masters  of  the  Hotel,  no  excess  was 
committed;  scarcely  had  the  royal  guard 
taken  possession  of  it,  when  the  apartments 
of  the  prefect  were  ransacked,  and  the  cellar 
pillaged. 

The  troops  of  the  perjured  king  did  not 
long  enjoy  this  victory.  Taken  and  retaken 
three  times,  the  Hotel  de  Ville  was  recon- 
quered, and  finally  occupied  by  the  brave 
Parisians,  who  achieved  such  prodigies  of 
valour,  fighting  with  an  order  which  one 
might  seek  in  vain  to  account  for,  while  it 
elicits  the  warmest  admiration. 


32 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


The  national  cause  triumphed  in  other 
points.  The  population  on  the  left  bank,  led 
on  by  the  pupils  of  the  Polytechnic  school, 
and  the  schools  of  law  and  medicine,  appear- 
ed in  arms  in  the  morning.  The  powder 
magazine  of  Ivry  soon  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  citizens}  the  military  detained  at  Ab- 
bayewere  liberated,  and  appointed  chiefs,  by 
the  people.  Liberty  was  also  given  to  the 
debtors  in  the  prison  of  St.  Pelagie}  among 
the  latter  were  many  officers,  who  rendered 
important  services  to  the  people. 

The  repository  of  artillery  in  the  square 
of  St.  Thomas  of  Aquin,  became  a precious 
conquest,  on  account  of  the  quantity  of  every 
kind  of  arms,  contained  in  it.  The  palace 
of  the  chamber  of  peers  was  respected.  The 
pupils  of  the  Polytechnic  school,  during  these 
glorious  days,  presented  themselves  in  great 
numbers,  at  every  point  of  the  capital. 

Groups  of  armed  citizens  claimed  the  hon- 
our of  marching  under  the  command  of  these 
intrepid  young  men,  renowned  as  well  for 
their  military  talents  and  acquirements,  as 
for  their  patriotic  devotion  to  the  national 
cause.  The  citizen  soldiers  owed  their  sue- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  33 

cess,  in  a great  measure,  to  the  excellent  di- 
rection of  these  young  leaders. 

A great  part  of  the  royal  forces  put  up  in 
the  quarters  of  St.  Denis  and  St.  Martin, 
and  all  along  the  boulevards,  from  the  Ma- 
deline to  the  Bastille.  At  an  early  hour 
the  people  tvere  in  possession  of  different 
posts  along  the  boulevards,  whence  they 
were  driven  by  the  royal  guard,  the  infantry, 
cavalry  and  artillery.  Some  ramparts  were 
thrown  up  in  the  streets  of  St.  Denis  and  St. 
Martin,  where  several  bodies  of  foot  and 
horse  were  engaged  in  charging  and  firing 
on  the  people,  who  were  prepared  to  re- 
ceive and  give  battle.  Bullets  and  stones 
were  showered  down  in  torrents  from  the 
windows,  where  the  citizens  had  posted 
themselves.  Musketeers,  concealed  in  pri- 
vate streets  and  alleys,  harassed  the  enemy; 
the  citizens,  furnished  with  sabres,  swords, 
clubs,  and  fantastic  arms,  taken  from  the 
theatres,  defended  each  barricade.  The  lan- 
cers, who  had  rendered  themselves  conspi- 
cuous by  their  ardour  for  shedding  the  blood 
of  the  people,  sustained  a considerable  loss; 
the  chief  officer  of  the  royal  guard,  having 
received  a serious  wound  in  the  Rue  St. 


34 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Denis,  was  taken  up  and  carried  away  by 
the  soldiers  to  the  house  of  the  Sisters  of 
Charity,  opposite  the  church  of  Bonne  Nou- 
velle.  As  he  was  carried  by  the  soldiers  at 
night,  he  could  not  proceed  far;  they  there- 
fore returned  to  the  sisterhood.  The  door  was 
not  opened  in  time;  it  was  necessary  to  seek 
for  some  other  asylum;  but  the  roads  were 
all  occupied  by  the  combatants;  and  this 
unfortunate  man,  abandoned  and  trampled 
under  foot,  died  without  the  assistance  of  a 
single  individual. 

The  gate  of  St.  Denis,  which  commands 
at  once  the  street  and  the  suburb  of  St. 
Denis,  and  the  two  boulevards,  was  a posi- 
tion whose  importance  was  well  known  to 
both  parties. 

The  monument,  alternately  occupied  by 
the  citizens  and  royal  soldiers,  was  the  scene 
of  a most  desperate  engagement  which  last- 
ed till  eight  o’clock  in  the  evening. 

While  the  fight  was  raging  in  Paris,  some 
citizens  hung  a tricoloured  flag  on  the  towers 
of  Notre  Dame.  The  alarm  bells  rang  at 
once  in  several  parishes.  The  battle  was 
conducted  with  the  most  astonishing  order; 
the  defence  was  calm  and  methodical.  The 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  35 

first  detachment  of  the  national  guard  ap- 
peared on  the  quays  of  the  Augustinians, 
Malaquais  and  Voltaire;  they  had  mustering 
points  established  in  these  different  places, 
whence  they  exchanged  a brisk  volley  of 
musquetry  with  the  Swiss  guards  of  the 
Louvre  and  Tuileries.  On  the  boulevards 
the  fight  was  not  less  methodically  conduct- 
ed. Some  citizens  stationed  on  the  gate  of 
St.  Martin  showered  down  on  the  troops 
sticks,  stones,  and  tiles.  In  the  Rue  St.  An- 
toine, they  unroofed  the  houses  and  flung  the 
tiles  at  the  gendarmes. 

The  general  firing  ceased  in  the  evening; 
the  disadvantage  of  the  troops  was  already 
noticeable;  the  guard  refused  to  obey  orders, 
and  the  officers,  after  reiterated,  but  ineffec- 
tual, solicitations  to  the  troops,  had  often  to 
enforce  their  commands  by  blows. 

From  the  night  of  the  28th  to  the  29th  the 
barricades  were  completed.  The  pavements 
were  torn  up;  carts,  hacks,  omnibuses,  and 
even  stages  were  overturned,  beside  barrels 
filled  with  stones.  Paris  in  a few  hours,  free 
from  hostile  fire  and  completely  barricaded, 
was  impregnable. 

The  enemy,  convinced  of  this,  relinquish- 


36 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


ed  the  stations  they  had  occupied,  reserving1 
only  the  Louvre,  the  Tuileries  and  their  en- 
virons. The  Swiss  guards  ranged  them- 
selves in  the  upper  stories  to  enjoy  the  cruel 
sport  of  firing  on  the  people,  without  danger 
to  themselves.  But  these  last  efforts  were 
useless.  The  die  was  cast. 

On  the  29th,  in  the  morning,  the  national 
guard  occupied  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  The 
tricoloured  flag  was  seen  floating  every 
where;  the  citizens,  already  in  possession  of 
three  quarters  of  the  city,  had  not  much  diffi- 
culty in  making  themselves  masters  of  the 
fourth.  The  royal  guard  stationed,  or  rather 
lying,  in  the  place  Louis  XV.,  refused  to  obey 
orders  any  longer.  “ They  may  kill  us  if  neces- 
sary, said  they,  but  we  will  not  perform  the 
odious  task  to  which  we  have  been  condemned 
for  the  last  two  days.'”  With  respect  to  the 
troops  of  the  line,  they  either  retired  or 
yielded;  they  fraternized  with  the  people, 
embraced  one  another,  and  shed  tears  of  joy 
for  having  freed  their  country. 

Meanwhile  the  Parisian  forces  moved  to- 
wards the  Louvre,  where  bodies  of  the  royal 
guard,  French  as  well  as  Swiss,  lay  entrench- 
ed with  cannon,  and  made  a stubborn  resist- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  37 

ance.  The  people,  having  no  artillery,  could 
not  carry  this  post  without  the  most  ener- 
getic exertions.  They  were  in  possession  of 
the  church  of  St.  Germain  PAuxerrois,  and 
the  pile  cf  buildings  belonging  to  the  Insti- 
tute, from  which  points  they  returned  the 
fire  of  the  Louvre.  The  front  of  the  palace 
of  the  Institute  and  the  portal  of  St.  Ger- 
main’s church  were  riddled  with  bullets. 
About  midday  one  part  of  the  royal  French 
guards  wheeled  about  towards  the  Champs 
Elysees;  another  part  made  peace  with  the 
citizens;  the  Swiss  who  had  escaped  through 
the  north  and  west  gates,  dispersed  in  differ- 
ent directions.  Several  of  the  latter  were 
taken  prisoners  by  the  people,  who  with  an 
unparalleled  moderation,  protected  and  saved 
them  from  outrage. 

At  one  o’clock  the  Louvre  was  taken,  but 
not  without  the  loss  of  a crowd  of  brave  citi- 
zens. The  doors  of  the  apartments  of  the 
Museum  were  scarcely  burst  open,  when 
many  artists,  Deveria,  painter,  and  Lemaire, 
statuary,  armed  at  the  expense  of  the  sol- 
diers of  the  guard,  placed  themselves  with 
M.  Cailleux,  at  the  head  of  the  guardians  of 
the  Museum,  and  with  cries  of  “long  live 


D 


38 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


liberty  and  the  charter,”  persuaded  the  peo- 
pie  to  evacuate  the  gallery.  Posterity  will 
not  regret  the  loss  of  these  masterpieces  of 
the  fine  arts.  A bullet  penetrated  the  pic- 
ture of  Henry  the  Fourth’s  entry  into  Paris, 
in  the  heat  of  the  first  attack;  as  for  the  pale 
picture  of  Charles  the  Tenth’s  coronation,  it 
was  torn  into  rags. 

From  the  Louvre,  the  armed  citizens 
marched  on  to  the  Tuileries.  A vigorous 
battle  ensued  on  the  Royal  bridge;  the  cas- 
tle was  forced  about  4 o’clock;  the  people 
broke  some  articles  of  furniture,  and  drank 
some  bottles  of  wine,  but  nothing  valuable 
was  injured.  They  broke  the  bust  of  Charles 
X.,  though  not  of  Louis  XVIII.  “He  was 
the  author  of  the  charter”  cried  they.  They 
did  not  however  forget  to  dress  it  in  mourn- 
ing with  crape. 

The  body-guards  who  lay  in  the  barrack 
on  the  quay  of  Orsay,  surrendered  as  soon 
as  they  had  intelligence  that  the  Tuileries 
were  abandoned  by  the  royal  guard.  The 
latter,  on  quitting  Paris,  took  the  direction 
of  St.  Cloud,  by  Neuilly;  but  when  they  got 
to  the  bridge  of  that  village,  they  found  it 
barricaded,  and  the  peasants  discharged 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  39 

upon  them  a pretty  brisk  volley  of  muskets. 
Being  compelled  to  retrace  their  steps,  they 
threw  themselves  into  the  wood  of  Boulogne, 
and  arrived  at  St.  Cloud,  exhausted  with  fa- 
tigue, and  loudly  vituperating  their  officers, 
whom  they  accused  of  the  massacre  of  their 
fellow  soldiers. 

On  their  arrival,  the  court  was  in  the 
greatest  consternation.  Charles  X.  doubting 
which  Saint  to  take  for  his  patron,  had  al- 
ready received  communion  twice,  and  was 
preparing  for  the  third  time;  but  the  arrival 
of  a general  officer  of  the  old  army,  obliged 
him  to  defer  the  execution  of  this  project. 
The  officer  requested  an  audience,  which  was 
instantly  granted.  When  he  appeared  be- 
fore Charles,  the  latter  profoundly  dejected, 
raised  his  head  with  every  sign  of  affliction, 
and  told  him  that  it  never  was  his  wish  to 
infringe  on  the  Charter;  that  the  decree  of 
the  25th  of  July,  had  no  other  object  than  to 
repair  any  infraction  it  had  sustained,  and 
to  comply  with  it.  “ Comply  with  it!”  ex- 
claimed the  officer;  “ your  Majesty  has  been 
abominably  duped;  who  could  believe  in 
France  that  such  was  your  Majesty’s  will, 
v/hen  these  acts,  and  thousands  of  similar 


40 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


ones,  are  directly  subversive  of  liberty  and 
national  honour?”  “ Well,”  replied  the  king, 
“ since  these  decrees  shocked  the  nation,  it 
has  now  cause  to  be  content,  for  I have  re- 
pealed the  obnoxious  ordinances  by  two 
other  decrees  I passed  yesterday;  I have  dis- 
charged my  ministers,  but  unhappily,  M.  de 
Mortemart  was  not  able  to  attend  the  coun- 
cil; had  he  been  there,  all  might  have  been 
saved.”  “ It  is  now  too  late,  even  the  abdi- 
cation of  your  Majesty  in  favour  of  your  son, 
would  not  satisfy  the  nation;  he  was  admit- 
ted into  the  council,  he  was  acquainted  with 
its  deeds,  he  has  partaken  of  them,  he  is  an 
accomplice  of  them.  If  your  Majesty  had 
been  well  advised,  the  Dauphin  would  have 
been  kept  in  the  opposition.  Consequently, 
by  abdicating  in  his  favour,  France  might 
have  believed  in  the  faith  of  his  words  and 
deeds,  but  I have  the  honour  of  repeating  to 
your  Majesty,  that  it  is  now  too  late.  They 
already  are  speaking  at  Paris  of  proclaiming 
the  duke  d’Orleans;  behold,  sir,  with  what 
rapidity  things  have  gone  on.”  Charles  X. 
more  and  more  dejected,  replied  in  these 
words:  “ What  would  you  have  me  to  do?” 
He  arose  in  order  to  repair  to  the  chapel. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  41 

Scarcely  had  he  entered,  when  he  was  ap- 
prized that  despatches,  sent  by  Ragusa,  of  the 
most  important  nature  had  arrived.  “ I will 
see  them  after  the  mass,”  replied  he,  “ the 
interests  of  heaven  should  be  preferred  to 
those  of  this  world.”  A king  capable  of 
making  such  an  answer  under  such  circum- 
stances, is  already  judged.  Paris  deprived 
of  its  government,  depended  upon  the  depu- 
ties; they  never  deceived  the  brave  fellows 
who  shed  their  blood  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  laws.  On  the  27th,  all  the  deputies  pre- 
sent in  Paris,  assembled  and  published  the 
following — 

“ PROCLAMATION. 

“ The  undersigned,  legally  elected  to  the 
deputation  by  the  college  of  electors,  by 
virtue  of  the  royal  ordinance  of  the  * * * * 
conformably  to  the  constitutional  charter, 
and  the  laws  upon  elections  of  the  * * * * 
and  being  actually  in  Paris,  consider  them- 
selves absolutely  obliged  by  their  duty  and 
honour,  to  denounce  the  measures  which  the 
counsellors  of  the  crown  have  not  long  since 
established  for  the  overthrow  of  the  legal 
d 2 


42 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


system  of  elections,  and  the  ruin  of  the  li* 
berty  of  the  press. 

“The  said  measures  contained  in  the  or- 
dinances of  the  * * * * appear  to  the  under- 
signed, directly  reverse  to  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  chamber  of  peers,  to  the  pub- 
lic rights  of  the  French,  to  the  privileges  and 
decrees  of  the  tribunals;  and  tending  to  throw 
the  state  into  a confusion  which  endangers 
equally  the  peace  of  the  present,  and  the  se- 
curity of  the  future. 

“ In  consequence  of  which,  the  undersigned 
inviolably  faithful  to  their  oath,  denounce 
unanimously  not  only  the  said  measures,  but 
all  the  deeds  which  may  result  from  them. 

“ Whereas,  on  one  hand  the  chamber  of 
deputies  not  being  yet  constituted,  cannot  be 
legally  dissolved;  on  the  other  hand,  the  at- 
tempt to  form  another  chamber  of  deputies 
in  a new  and  arbitrary  manner,  is  a formal 
contradiction  to  the  constitutional  charter, 
and  to  the  rights  acquired  by  the  electors; 
the  undersigned  declare  that  they  consider 
themselves  legally  elected  to  the  deputation 
by  the  departments  which  they  represent, 
and  that  they  cannot  be  dissolved,  but  in 
virtue  of  an  election  made  according  to  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


43 


principles  and  the  forms  required  by  the 
laws. 

“ And  if  the  undersigned  do  not  exercise 
effectually  their  rights,  and  acquit  themselves 
of  all  the  duties  by  which  they  are  bound 
by  their  legal  election,  it  is  because  they 
are  prevented  from  doing  so  by  physical 
force.” 

The  following  are  the  signatures  of  Messrs. 
Labbey  de  Pompiere,  Sebastiani,  Mechin, 
Perier  (Casimir),  Guizot,  Audry  de  Puyra- 
veau,  Andre  Gollot,  Gaetan  de  la  Rochefou- 
cauld, Mauguin,  Bernard,  Voisin  de  Gar- 
tempe,  Froidefond  de  Bellisle,  Villemain, 
Didot  (Firmin),  Daunou,  Persil,  Villemot,  de 
la  Riboisiere,  Bondy  (comte  de),  Duris-Du- 
fresne,  Girod  de  PAin,  Laisne  de  Villeveque, 
Delessert  (Benjamin),  Marchal,  N aude  Cham- 
plouis,  comte  de  Lobau,  baron  Louis,  Millaux, 
Estourmel  (comte  d’),  Montguyon  (comte 
de),  Levaillant,Tronchon,  Gerard  (le  general), 
Laffitte  (Jacques),  Garcias,  Dugas-Montbel, 
Camille  Perier,  Vassal,  Alexandre  deLaborde, 
Jacques  Lefebvre,  Mathieu  Dumas,  Eusebe 
Salverte,  de  Poulmer,  Flernoux,  Chardel,  Ba- 
voux,  Charles  Dupin,  Hely  d’Hoyssel,  Eu- 
gene d’Harcourt,  Baillot,  general  Lafayette, 


44 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Georges  Lafayette,  Jouvencel,  Bertin  de 
Vaux,  comte  de  Lameth,  Berard,  Duchaf- 
faut,  Auguste  de  Saint-Aignau,  Keratry,  Ter- 
naux,  Jacques  Odier,  Benjamin  Constant, 
etc.  etc.  etc. 

On  the  28th  a meeting  of  deputies,  com- 
posed of  general  Gerard,  count  de  Lobau, 
Messrs.  Lafitte,  Casimir  Perier,  and  Mau- 
guin,went  through  the  firing  to  the  house  of 
M.  le  Marechal,  duke  of  Ragusa.  M.  Lafitte 
opened  the  conversation:  he  represented  for- 
cibly to  the  marshal,  the  deplorable  state  of 
the  capital,  the  blood  flowing  from  all  sides, 
the  firing  resounding  as  in  a city  taken  by 
assault;  and  made  him  personally  respon- 
sible, in  the  name  of  the  assembled  depu- 
ties of  France,  for  the  fatal  consequences 
of  so  sad  an  event. 

The  marshal  replied:  “ military  honour 
consists  in  obedience.” 

“ And  civil  honour,”  replied  M.  Lafitte, 
“ does  not  consist  in  the  slaughter  of  the 
citizens!” 

The  marshal  then  said  to  him,  “ Gen- 
tlemen, what  are  the  conditions  you  pro- 
pose?” 

“ Without  relying  too  much  on  our  influ- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  45 

ence,  we  believe  ourselves  able  to  say,  that 
every  thing  is  contained  in  the  following 
ordinances:  to  report  the  ordinances  of  the 
26th  July  to  be  illegal;  to  dismiss  the  minis- 
ters and  convoke  the  chambers  on  the  3d  of 
August.” 

The  marshal  confessed,  that  as  a citizen, 
he  could  not  well  disapprove  of  partaking 
also  the  opinions  of  the  deputies;  but  that  as 
a soldier,  he  had  his  orders,  and  could  not 
but  execute  them;  meanwhile  he  engaged  to 
place  these  propositions  in  half  an  hour  un- 
der the  eyes  of  the  king. 

“ But,  moreover,”  added  the  marshal,  “ if 
you  wish  to  have  a conference  upon  this 
subject  with  M.  de  Polignac,  he  is  here,  and 
I will  ask  him  if  he  will  receive  you.” 

A quarter  of  an  hour  passed.  The  mar- 
shal returned  with  his  countenance  much  al- 
tered, and  informed  the  deputies  that  M.  de 
Polignac  had  declared  to  him  that  the  pro- 
posed conditions  rendered  all  conference 
useless. 

“ Jt  is  then  a civil  war!”  said  M.  Lafitte. 

The  marshal  bowed,  and  the  deputies  re- 
tired. 

The  next  day  in  the  morning,  although 


46 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


they  continued  to  fight  at  the  Louvre  and 
Tuileries,  the  following  placard  was  posted 
up  in  Paris. 

“ PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 

“ The  present  deputies  at  Paris  have  met 
to  remedy  the  great  dangers  which  threaten 
the  security  of  the  people  and  their  property. 

“ A commission  has  been  appointed  to 
watch  over  the  interests  of  all  during  the  ab- 
sence of  regular  organization. 

“ Messrs.  Audry  de  Puyraveau,  count  de 
Gerard,  Jacques  Lafitte,  count  de  Lobau, 
Mauguin,  Odier,  Casimir  Perier,  and  de 
Schonen,  compose  this  commission. 

“ General  Lafayette  is  commander-in-chief 
of  the  national  guards.” 

In  a word,  the  hero  of  the  two  Worlds 
accepted  the  command  of  the  national  guard, 
unprovided  as  in  1789 5 notwithstanding  his 
great  age,  he  marched  on  foot  through  the 
streets  of  Paris,  clad  with  his  old  uniform  of 
three  colours,  and  hastened  to  address  this 
proclamation  to  the  people. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


47 


“ TO  THE  PARISIANS. 

“ My  dear  fellow  Citizens  and  brave  Comrades. 

“ The  confidence  of  the  people  of  Paris, 
has  called  me  once  more  to  the  command  of 
its  public  force.  I have  accepted  with  de- 
votedness and  joy  the  duties  which  are 
trusted  to  me,  and,  as  in  1789,  1 feel  myself 
invigorated  by  the  approbation  of  my  ho- 
nourable colleagues,  to-day  assembled  at 
Paris.  I will  not  make  a profession  of  faith, 
my  sentiments  are  known.  The  conduct  of 
the  Pai’isian  population  in  these  last  days  of 
trial,  renders  me  more  than  ever  proud  to 
be  at  its  head.  Liberty  will  triumph,  or  we 
will  perish  together. 

“ Vive  la  Liberte  ! vive  la  patrie! 

“ Lafayette.” 

On  the  same  day  appeared  the  ordinance, 
or  rather  the  invitation,  which  follows — 

“ The  national  guard  of  Paris,  is  re-esta- 
blished. 

“The  colonels  and  other  officers  are  invited 
to  reorganize  immediately  the  service  of  the 
national  guards. 

“ The  inferior  officers  and  the  national 


48 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


guards  shall  be  ready  to  assemble  at  the 
first  beat  of  the  drum. 

“ Provisionally  they  are  invited  to  unite 
themselves  under  the  officers  and  inferior 
officers  of  their  old  companies,  and  to  in- 
scribe themselves  upon  the  roll. 

“ It  is  our  business  to  establish  order;  and 
the  municipal  commission  of  Paris  counts 
upon  the  ordinary  zeal  of  the  national  guards 
for  liberty  and  public  order. 

“ The  colonels,  or,  in  their  absence,  the 
chiefs  of  the  batallions  are  requested  to  re- 
pair immediately  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville  to 
confer  upon  the  first  measures  to  be  taken 
for  the  interest  of  the  service. 

“ Given  at  the  Hdtel  dc  Ville , 29th  July , 1830. 

“ Lafayette.” 

This  appeal  was  heard,  and  thanks  to  the 
zeal  of  the  national  guard,  calm  was  restored. 
The  night  that  followed  the  triumph  will  al- 
ways be  remembered.  Paris  was  more  tran- 
quil than  ever. 

Triumphant  city,  mourning  for  its  young 
heroes,  yet  illuminated  by  a long  row  of  fires 
placed  by  the  citizens  on  their  houses.  What 
security,  what  a calm  after  the  victory;  not 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  49 

a disorder  nor  tumult,  although  70,000  men, 
belonging  to  all  classes,  the  larger  number 
from  the  poor  class,  bore  arms  in  the  ca- 
pital. 

The  love  of  liberty  is  prolific  in  prodigies. 


50 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  III. 

Peace  in  Paris. — Operations  of  the  Members  of  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies. — The  Duke  of  Orleans  accepts  the  of- 
fice and  title  of  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Kingdom. 

30th,  31st  of  July — 1st,  2d  Aug. 

On  the  30th,  tranquillity  continued  to  reign: 
the  shops  were  opened  and  the  markets  were 
filled  with  provisions.  They  expected  the 
enemy,  but  did  not  fear  him;  the  barricades 
were  finished;  the  dead  were  buried  in  the 
public  places,  and  all  the  wounded  received 
in  the  private  houses,  were  carried  to  the 
hospitals,  where  more  efficacious  aid  was 
procured. 

The  deputies,  as  on  the  preceding  evening, 
met  at  the  house  of  Lafitte,  and  transacted 
the  business  of  organizing  the  provisional 
government.  Aftdr  many  long  discussions, 
or  in  other  words,  after  various  forms  of  go- 
vernment were  proposed,  and  their  relative 
value  and  appositeness  to  the  present  crisis 
canvassed,  the  assembly  came  to  the  conclu- 
sion, that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  was  the  most 
proper  person  to  be  selected,  and  it  was  re- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  51 

solved  that  the  lieutenant-generalship  of  the 
kingdom  should  be  offered  to  him.  This  de- 
cision was  not  entirely  unanimous.  Some 
members  desired  that  an  eternal  breach 
should  be  made  with  the  house  of  Bourbon; 
others  reminded  the  assembly  of  his  emigra- 
tion: “He  is  the  son-in-law,”  said  they,  “of 
the  king  of  Naples — of  that  sovereign  who 
sold  the  subjects  of  Austria.  Liberty  has 
cost  us  dear  enough;  let  us  preserve  it,  and 
think  no  more  of  imposing  masters  on  our- 
selves.” 

But  to  these  considerations  it  was  answer- 
ed, that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  had  in  his  youth 
frankly  adopted  the  principles  of  the  revolu- 
tion; it  was  mentioned  that  he  had  fought  at 
Jemappes  and  Fleurus;  they  laid  a value  be- 
sides on  the  consideration,  that  in  placing 
this  prince  at  the  head  of  the  government, 
they  would  probably  avoid  a war  with  fo- 
reign powers.  This  opinion  prevailed,  and 
a deputation  was  sent  to  the  prince,  who  had 
retired  from  the  beginning  of  the  disturb- 
ances, to  Neuilly,  where  he  still  resided.  On 
the  same  evening  the  duke  returned  to  the 
Palais-Royale,  and  caused  the  following  pro- 
clamation to  be  posted  the  next  morning: 


52 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


“ Paris,  July  31.  (Noon.) 

“Inhabitants  of  Paris! — The  Deputies  of 
France,  at  this  moment  assembled  at  Paris, 
have  expressed  the  desire  that  I should  re- 
pair to  this  capital  and  exercise  the  func- 
tions of  lieutenant-general  of  the  kingdom. 

“ I have  not  hesitated  to  come  and  share 
your  dangers,  to  place  myself  in  the  midst  of 
your  heroic  population,  and  to  exert  all  my 
efforts  to  preserve  you  from  the  calamities  of 
civil  war,  and  of  anarchy. 

“ On  returning  to  the  city  of  Paris,  I wear 
with  pride  those  glorious  colours  which  you 
have  resumed,  and  which  I myself  long  wore. 

“ The  chambers  are  about  to  assemble; 
they  will  consult  upon  the  means  of  securing 
the  supremacy  of  the  laws,  and  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  rights  of  the  nation. 

“ The  Charter  will  henceforward  be  a 
truth. 

“Louis  Philippe  D’Orleans.” 

At  one  o’clock  the  deputies  met  in  the  or- 
dinary place  of  session. 

General  Sebastiani  opened  the  debate  in 
the  name  of  the  committee  that  presented 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  53 

the  message  to  the  duke  of  Orleans  on  the 
preceding  evening.  He  commenced  thus: 

“ Gentlemen, — The  deputation  of  which  I 
had  the  honour  of  being  a member,  repaired 
last  evening  to  the  Palais-Royale.  His  royal 
highness  was  absent:  we  took  the  liberty  of 
addressing  to  him  a letter,  to  apprize  him  of 
the  resolution  passed  in  your  assembly.  He 
was  eager  to  return  to  Paris,  and  arrived 
here  at  eight  o’clock  yesterday  evening.  The 
deputation  received  intelligence  of  it  this 
morning,  and  reassembled  at  nine  o’clock. 
We  were  admitted  into  the  presence  of  the 
duke:  the  words  we  collected  from  his  lips, 
breathed  the  spirit  of  love  for  order  and  the 
laws,  an  ardent  desire  to  shield  France  from 
the  scourge  of  civil  and  foreign  war,  and  a 
firm  determination  to  secure  the  liberties  of 
the  country,  and  as  his  royal  highness  says 
himself,  in  a proclamation  as  remarkable  for 
its  frankness  as  its  integrity,  “ the  wish  to 
make  a reality  of  that  charter  which  not  long 
since  was  a mere  illusion.” 

“ Gentlemen,”  said  the  president,  “ it  is  of 
importance  to  examine  if,  in  the  present  si- 
tuation of  the  capital,  and  to  prevent  the  dis- 
turbances that  may  be  produced  by  diversity 
e 2 


54 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


of  opinion,  it  would  not  be  necessary  that 
some  writing,  whether  it  go  under  the  name 
of  address  or  of  proclamation,  should  ema- 
nate from  this  assembly,  in  order  to  show 
and  explain  to  the  capital  and  to  all  France, 
what  the  deputies  have  deemed  it  their  duty 
to  do  for  the  interest  of  public  affairs,  whe- 
ther in  Paris  or  in  the  departments.  We 
have  been  all  surprised  by  events  which  we 
could  not  foresee.  We  believed  ourselves 
safe  under  the  dominion  of  the  charter: 
strong  in  public  opinion  we  awaited  the 
coming  of  the  3d  of  August.  You  know  it, 
our  sealed  letters  were  returned  to  us  at  the 
same  time  with  the  ordinances  of  the  26th. 
These  decrees  destroyed  the  charter:  civil 
war  was  substituted  for  the  reign  of  the  laws. 
From  this  source  sprung  the  wonderful  deeds 
and  catastrophes  of  which  Paris  was  the 
theatre.  Do  you  not  deem  it  incumbent  on 
you  to  represent  to  France  what  you  have 
thought  it  your  duty  to  do  under  these  so- 
lemn circumstances?  There  was  no  further 
question  of  equality  for  you ; you  had  no 
longer  to  fulfil  the  ordinary  duties  of  depu- 
ties; the  question  was  to  save  the  country, 
to  save  public  and  private  property.” 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  55 

“ I shall  not  recall  to  your  recollection  the 
measures  you  embraced;  measures  which  se- 
cured the  salvation  of  the  country;  but  I 
think  it  incumbent  on  us  to  give  an  account 
of  them;  to  give  a plain  and  accurate  expo- 
sition of  our  whole  conduct.  By  such  an 
exposition,  you  will  reap  for  yourselves  pub- 
lic thanks,  public  benedictions.” 

This  proposition  being  unanimously  adopt- 
ed, a committee  was  appointed  and  the  fol- 
lowing proclamation  published  at  the  same 
moment. 

“ Frenchmen!— -France  is  free.  Absolute 
power  raised  its  standard — the  heroic  popu- 
lation of  Paris  has  overthrown  it.  Paris  at- 
tacked, has  made  the  sacred  cause  to  tri- 
umph by  arms  which  had  triumphed  in  vain 
in  the  elections.  A power  which  usurped 
our  rights,  and  disturbed  our  repose,  threat- 
ened at  once  liberty  and  order.  We  return 
to  the  possession  of  liberty  and  order.  There 
is  no  more  fear  for  acquired  rights — no  bar- 
rier between  us  and  the  rights  which  we  still 
demand.  A government  which  may,  with- 
out delay,  secure  to  us  these  advantages,  is 
now  the  first  want  of  our  country.  French- 
men! Those  of  your  deputies  who  are  al- 


56 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


ready  at  Paris,  have  assembled;  and,  till  the 
chambers  can  regularly  intervene,  they  have 
invited  the  duke  of  Orleans,  a Frenchman, 
who  has  never  fought  but  for  France,  to  ex- 
ercise the  functions  of  lieutenant-general  of 
the  kingdom.  This  is,  in  their  opinions,  the 
surest  means  promptly  to  accomplish  by 
peace,  the  success  of  the  most  legitimate 
defence. 

“ The  duke  of  Orleans  is  devoted  to  the  na- 
tional and  constitutional  cause.  He  has  al- 
ways defended  its  interests,  and  professed  its 
principles.  He  will  respect  our  rights,  for 
he  will  derive  his  own  from  us.  We  shall 
secure  to  ourselves  by  laws  strong  and  dura- 
ble, all  the  guarantees  necessary  to  liberty. 

“It  has  been  necessary  to  designate  for 
each  branch  of  the  public  administration, 
commissioners  to  replace,  provisionally,  the 
administration  which  has  just  fallen  with  the 
power  of  Charles  X. 

“ The  following  are  appointed  provisional 
commissioners: 

“For  the  department  of  justice — M.  Du- 
pont de  L’Eure.  Finances — Baron  Louis. 
War — general  Gerard.  Maritime  affairs — 
M.  de  Rigny.  Foreign  affairs— M.  Bignon. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  57 

Public  instruction — M.  Guizot.  Interior  and 
public  works — M.  Casimir  Perrier. 

(Signed)  “Lobau, 

“ Mauguin, 

“ A.  DE  PUYRAVEAU, 
“ De  Schonen. 

“ Paris,  H6tel  de  Ville,  July  31.” 

The  reading  of  this  piece  was  often  inter- 
rupted by  unanimous  peals  of  applause,  and 
it  was  resolved,  that  this  bill  of  French  rights 
should  be  carried  to  the  lieutenant-general 
of  the  kingdom  by  all  the  deputies  present. 

They  adjourned  at  half  past  two  o’clock, 
and  passed  through  the  garden  of  the  Tuile- 
ries  and  the  adjacent  streets,  amidst  an  im- 
mense population,  dressed  in  the  national 
colours,  who  made  the  air  resound  with 
shouts  of  Long  live  the  deputies  of  the  nation! 
The  deputies  answered  by  cries  of  Long  live 
the  heroic  people  of  Paris!  They  have  saved 
France! 

Lafitte  read  the  proclamation  to  the 
prince;  at  each  passage  that  contained  secu- 
rities for  French  liberty,  the  lieutenant-gene- 
ral of  the  kingdom  answered  with  significa- 
tions of  the  most  cordial  assent.  On  the 
sentences  which  bore  upon  the  parliamentary 


58 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


and  municipal  organization,  being  commit- 
ted to  the  choice  of  the  citizens,  he  said: — 
“This  is,  indeed,  liberty.”  And  when  he 
came  to  that  part,  specifying  a jury’s  being 
applied  to  in  offences  of  the  press,  the  prince 
interrupted  him  by  saying:  “ Ah!  yes , most 
certainly 

When  they  had  finished  reading,  the  duke 
of  Orleans  expressed  himself  at  once,  with  a 
frankness  and  a feeling,  that  produced  the 
most  lively  enthusiasm.  “ Gentlemen,”  said 
he,  “ the  salutary  principles  you  proclaim, 
have  always  been  my  own.  You  recal  to  my 
recollection  the  scenes  of  my  youth;  my  last 
years  will  be  a continuation  of  them.  I shall 
exert  myself  for  the  happiness  of  France, 
through  you,  and  with  you;  like  the  good, 
like  the  true  father  of  a family.  The  depu- 
ties of  the  nation  easily  understand  me, 
when  I assure  them,  that  I heave  many  a 
heart-felt  sigh  over  the  deplorable  events 
that  oblige  me  to  accept  the  exalted  trust 
which  they  confide  in  me,  and  which  I hope 
to  render  myself  worthy  of.” 

These  words,  or  rather  this  cordial  and 
frank  acceptance  of  the  great  principles  of 
the  constitutional  government,  were  received 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  59 

by  the  deputies  with  the  testimonies  of  the 
most  lively  satisfaction. 

The  prince  added:  “Gentlemen,  at  the 
moment  of  your  arrival,  I was  about  going 
to  the  Hotel  de  Villej  I would  be  happy  to 
walk  through  Paris,  amidst  the  deputies  of 
the  nation,” 

All  were  eager  to  follow  the  lieutenant- 
general  of  the  kingdom,  who  was  mounted 
on  horseback  in  the  court  of  the  palace,  with- 
out attendant  officers,  without  any  guard  but 
the  people,  without  any  other  retinue  than 
that  of  the  deputies  of  the  country.  The 
prince  was  dressed  like  a general  officer, 
carrying  no  ornament  except  the  riband  of 
the  Legion  of  Honour,  and  the  tricoloured 
cockade. 

To  paint  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people 
would  be  a task  as  difficult  as  to  express 
their  heroism  on  the  days  of  battle.  Tu- 
multuous masses  of  the  population,  pressed 
around  them,  in  such  a manner,  that  the  de- 
puties were  obliged  to  separate,  and  their 
progress  was  the  more  difficult,  as  it  was 
impeded  by  the  glorious  barricades.  At 
that  very  moment,  the  citizens  formed  the 
most  admirable  convoy  that  ever  accompa- 


60 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


nied  the  deputies  of  a people,  and  the  chief 
of  a government.  They  took  hands,  march- 
ing diagonally,  over  the  extensive  roads  of 
the  Palais  Royale  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  and 
forming  an  immense  chain;  and  some  were 
heard  to  say,  “ This  is  an  order  that  was 
never  established  among  the  gendarmes!” 
The  prince  often  stopped,  hat  in  hand,  sa- 
luting, by  gesture  and  words,  the  heroic  peo- 
ple of  the  noble  city;  the  worthy  representa- 
tives of  a great  nation.  The  roads  of  the 
Hotel  de  Ville  were  covered  with  national 
guards;  the  prince  said:  “Gentlemen,  this 
is  the  old  national  guard,  which  comes  to 
pay  a visit  to  its  old  general  (Lafayette).” 
The  proclamation  was  again  read  in  the 
grand  saloon  of  the  Idotel  de  Ville,  by  M. 
Viennet,  deputy  from  Herault. 

The  square  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  the  quays 
on  either  bank  of  the  Seine,  the  adjacent 
streets,  and  all  the  windows  of  the  houses 
were  crowded  with  a multitude  of  citizens, 
gaudily  arrayed  in  the  national  colours.  At 
the  moment  in  which  the  duke  of  Orleans, 
and  the  hero  of  the  two  hemispheres,  La- 
fayette, presented  themselves  under  the  bal- 
cony of  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  waving  the  tri- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  61 

coloured  banner,  thunders  of  applause,  bra- 
voes,  and  shouts  of  Long  live  liberty , and  the 
charter!  resounded  through  the  skies. 

On  the  same  evening,  Lafayette  addressed 
the  inhabitants  of  Paris  in  the  following 
terms: — “ The  assembly  of  deputies  actually 
at  Paris,  has  communicated  to  the  general- 
in-chief,  the  resolutions  which,  in  the  ur- 
gency of  circumstances,  has  nominated  the 
duke  of  Orleans,  lieutenant-general  of  the 
kingdom. 

“ In  three  days,  the  chamber  will  hold  a 
regular  session,  conformably  to  the  mandate 
of  its  constituents,  to  transact  its  patriotic 
duties,  which  derive  an  augmentation  of  im- 
portance and  extent,  from  the  glorious  events 
that  have  restored  the  French  people  to  the 
plenitude  of  their  imprescriptible  rights. 
Honour  to  the  people  of  Paris. 

“ Then  will  the  representatives  of  the 
electoral  colleges,  honoured  by  the  assent 
of  all  France,  know  how  to  secure  the  coun- 
try, previous  to  other  considerations,  and  se- 
condary forms  of  government,  to  secure  the 
pledges  of  liberty,  equality  and  public  order, 
which  comprise  the  sovereign  nature  of  our 


t 


62 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


rights  and  the  firm  will  of  the  French  peo- 
ple.” 

“ Already  under  a government  of  foreign 
origin  and  foreign  influence  which  has  just 
ceased;  thanks  to  the  vigorous,  rapid  and 
popular  efforts  of  a just  resistance  to  ag- 
gression, it  was  acknowledged  that  in  the 
sessions,  demands  for  the  re-establishment  of 
elective  administrations,  municipal  and  pro- 
vincial, the  organization  of  thenational  guards 
of  France  on  the  basis  of  ’91,  the  extent  and 
application  of  juries,  the  questions  relative 
to  electoral  law,  the  liberty  of  signing,  the 
responsibility  of  agents  of  power,  and  the 
method  necessary  to  realize  that  respon- 
sibility, were  to  be  objects  of  discussion, 
previous  to  any  votes  of  subsidy:  with  how 
much  more  right  should  these  guarantees 
and  all  those  that  liberty  and  equality  can 
demand,  precede  the  concession  of  definitive 
powers  which  France  might  think  proper  to 
confer!  In  the  meantime, the  nation  is  aware 
that  the  lieutenant  general  of  the  kingdom,  call- 
ed by  the  chamber,  was  one  of  the  young  pa- 
triots of  ’89,  one  of  the  first  generals  that 
reared  triumphantly  the  tricoloured  banner. 
Liberty,  equality , and  public  order  have  ever 
been  my  motto:  I shall  be  faithful  to  it.” 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


63 


On  the  first  of  August,  the  provisional 
municipal  commission  of  Paris  wrote  to  the 
duke  of  Orleans  to  inform  him  that  it  resign- 
ed to  his  hands  the  power  with  which  it  had 
been  for  five  days  invested. 

From  that  period,  the  progress  of  the  go- 
vernment became  more  easy;  order  was  re- 
established and  the  different  administrations 
regained  the  path  of  their  official  labours. 
The  ministers,  nominated  by  the  lieutenant- 
general,  entered  upon  their  duties. 

General  Lafayette  did  not  fail  on  his  part, 
to  testify  the  most  indefatigable  ardour.  He 
employed  himself  chiefly  in  the  defence  of  the 
territory,  under  circumstances  in  which  fo- 
reign powers  might  form  the  intention  of  in- 
terposing in  the  debates.  A decree  of  this 
heroic  commander  runs  thus: 

“ Art.  I.  It  is  resolved  to  form  a movea- 
ble national  guard;  it  shall  consist  of  twenty 
regiments,  and  may  be  employed  out  of  Paris 
in  the  defence  of  the  country. 

“ Art.  2.  All  citizens  in  a condition  to 
bear  arms  are  invited  to  enrol  their  names, 
for  this  purpose  they  shall  go  to  their  re- 
spective mayoralties,  where  the  lists  are 
open. 


64 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


“ Art.  3.  The  moveable  national  guard 
shall  receive  daily  a pay  which  shall  be  fur- 
ther determined  for  the  officers  and  sub-offi- 
cers; for  the  soldiers  it  shall  be  thirty  sous 
a day.  The  pay  shall  last  to  their  disband- 
ment and  fifteen  days  after:  the  disbandment 
will  take  place  as  soon  as  this  force  ceases  to 
be  necessary. 

u Art.  4.  The  moveable  national  guard  is 
placed  under  the  command  of  general  Ge- 
rard, who  already  commands  the  troops  of 
the  line;  he  will  do  every  thing  requisite  for 
their  formation  and  organization;  as  many 
officers  as  are  deemed  necessary  will  com- 
bine to  effect  this  purpose.  The  list  of  may- 
oralties and  the  national  guard  occupying 
the  Hotel  de  Ville  are  places  under  his  con- 
trol. 

“ Hdtel  de  Ville,  July  31, 1830.” 

At  the  same  time,  he  neglected  no  oppor- 
tunity to  gain  over  to  the  cause  of  liberty, 
the  soldiers  who  had  the  misfortune  to  fight 
against  it. 

“ Brave  soldiers,”  cried  he  in  a proclama- 
tion to  the  French  army,  “ the  inhabitants  of 
Paris  do  not  consider  you  responsible  for 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


65 


having  obeyed  your  orders;  come  to  us,  we 
will  receive  you  like  brothers;  come  and 
rank  yourselves  under  one  of  those  brave 
men  who  shed  his  blood,  under  so  many  emer- 
gencies for  his  country,  under  general  Ge- 
rard. The  cause  of  the  army  cannot  be  long 
divorced  from  the  cause  of  liberty  and  the 
nation.  Is  not  its  glory  our  dearest  patriot- 
ism? But  let  it  not  forget  that  the  defence 
of  our  liberty  and  independence  is  its  first 
duty.  Let  us  then  be  friends,  since  our  inte- 
rests and  our  rights  are  the  same.  General 
Lafayette  declares,  in  the  name  of  the  whole 
population  of  Paris,  that  it  bears  no  senti- 
ment of  animosity,  or  hostility  to  the  French 
soldiers;  that  it  is  ready  to  fraternise  with 
such  of  those  as  will  return  to  the  cause  of 
liberty  and  their  country;  and  that  it  tenders 
all  its  prayers  for  the  arrival  of  that  moment 
when  the  citizens  and  the  soldiers,  rallying 
under  one  banner,  with  the  same  sentiments, 
shall  realize  the  happiness  and  the  glorious 
destinies  of  our  beautiful  country. 

“ Vive  la  France! 

“ Lafayette.” 

Scarcely  was  this  proclamation  known, 
f 2 


66 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


when  armed  soldiers  were  seen  entering 
Paris,  arrayed  in  the  national  colours,  and 
ready  to  shed  their  blood  in  the  defence  of 
liberty.  Yet  a few  days  and  the  whole  army 
will  follow  this  generous  example.  Already 
the  tricoloured  flag  floated  upon  the  princi- 
pal villages  of  France ; nearly  all  the  strong 
places  had  submitted,  and  every  thing  pro- 
claimed that  the  regeneration  of  this  beau- 
tiful country  would  be  soon  accomplished. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


67 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Opening  of  the  Sessions  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. — 
Speech  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans. — Events  at  St.  Cloud 
and  Ramhouillet. — Abdication  of  Charles  X. 

FROM  THE  1ST  TO  THE  5TH  AuG. 

We  have  before  said,  the  accession  of  the 
duke  of  Orleans,  to  the  lieutenant-general- 
ship of  the  kingdom,  rendered  the  progress 
of  the  government  easy  and  more  regular; 
this  proceeding  did  not  appear  in  the  same 
point  of  view  to  all  parties.  The  pretensions 
that  the  deputies  had  announced,  appeared 
in  general  to  be  too  restricted  and  ill  coin- 
ciding with  the  sacrifices  made  by  the  citi- 
zens, for  the  triumph  of  liberty.  Yet  they 
awaited,  not  without  impatience,  but  with 
confidence,  the  arrival  of  the  moment  of  the 
session,  which  the  duke  of  Orleans  in  per- 
son, was  to  open  on  the  3d  of  August. 

This  session,  formerly  called  royal  session , 
was  held  in  the  palace  of  the  Louvre,  and  it 
was  chiefly  by  the  courtiers,  that  these  tri- 
bunals were  occupied.  Now  the  court  is  no 


68 


HISTORY  OF  THF, 


more,  and  the  nation  is  arrayed  in  all  its 
strength  and  majesty. 

Without,  no  other  soldiers  were  seen  but 
the  national  guards  on  foot,  and  horse,  in 
brilliant  costume,  volunteers  that  patriotism 
had  made  soldiers,  during  the  27th  of  July; 
and  around  them,  the  people  who  had  so 
powerfully  seconded  their  victorious  efforts. 
Within,  the  benches  were  crowded  with  la- 
dies gorgeously  apparelled,  and  citizens  of 
all  conditions;  the  most  friendly  union  and 
cordiality,  reigned  in  every  quarter.  Pupils 
of  the  Polytechnic  school  were  seen  in  the 
mob,  and  every  eye  was  fixed  upon  them. 
Two  tribunals  only  were  reserved;  in  the  one 
destined  to  form  a diplomatic  body  there 
were  four  persons,  among  whom  the  minister 
of  the  United  States  was  conspicuous;  the 
other  was  occupied  by  the  duchess  of  Or- 
leans and  her  family. 

At  the  office  in  which  the  president  and 
secretaries  were  sitting,  was  reared  a canopy 
covered  with  violet  velvet,  bearing  on  its 
top  a crown  surmounted  with  a tricoloured 
banner.  Under  it  was  placed  a magnificent 
chair,  surrounded  by  flags  of  the  same  kind. 
Joy  sparkled  in  every  eye  at  the  sight  of  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  69 

national  colours,  so  long  exiled  from  the 
country. 

This  assembly  consisted  of  about  300  per- 
sons; 60  peers,  and  240  deputies,  all  drest 
in  peasant’s  garments. 

About  one  o’clock,  a round  of  artillery 
and  shouts  from  without,  announced  the  ar- 
rival of  the  lieutenant-general  of  the  king- 
dom. 

The  deputies  and  peers  immediately  took 
their  place,  and  a profound  silence  reigned 
throughout.  The  duke  of  Orleans,  preceded 
only  by  the  great  deputation  and  his  aide-de- 
camps, and  accompanied  by  his  young  son, 
the  duke  of  Nemours,  entered  on  a firm  step, 
his  head  uncovered,  and  clad  in  the  habit  of 
lieutenant-general.  He  walked  up  the  stairs 
to  the  right  with  his  son,  and  having  saluted 
the  assembly,  sat  down  on  a stool,  before  the 
empty  throne.  The  young  duke  of  Nemours 
sat  on  the  right  of  his  father. 

Immediately  there  resounded  from  all  parts 
of  the  hall,  unanimous  shouts  of  “ long  live 
the  duke  of  Orleans ! Long  live  the  lieutenant- 
general  of  the  kingdom!  Long  live  the  char- 
ter/”  Amid  these  acclamations  and  plau- 
dits, the  duchess  of  Orleans,  and  the  prin- 


70 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


cesses  her  daughters,  entered  the  box  that 
had  been  reserved  for  them. 

Meanwhile,  this  moment  of  enthusiasm 
was  succeeded  by  the  most  silent  attention. 
“ Gentlemen,  take  your  seats,”  said  the 
prince,  slowly  turning  his  eyes  around  the 
assembly.  Then  with  a grave  voice,  and  an 
accent  of  deep  conviction,  he  read  the  fol- 
lowing : — 

u ADDRESS* 

“ Peers  and  deputies — Paris,  troubled  in 
its  repose  by  a deplorable  violation  of  the 
charter  and  of  the  laws,  defended  them  with 
heroic  courage  1 In  the  midst  of  this  san- 
guinary struggle,  the  guarantees  of  social 
order  no  longer  subsisted.  Persons,  proper- 
ty, rights,  every  thing  that  is  most  valuable 
and  dear  to  men  and  to  citizens,  were  ex- 
posed to  the  most  serious  dangers. 

“ In  this  absence  of  all  public  power,  the 
wishes  of  my  fellow  citizens  have  turned  to- 
wards me;  they  have  judged  me  worthy  to 
concur  with  them  in  the  salvation  of  the 
country;  they  have  invited  me  to  exercise 
the  functions  of  lieutenant-general  of  the 
kingdom. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  71 

“ This  course  appeared  to  me  to  be  just, 
the  dangers  increasing,  the  necessity  im- 
perative, my  duty  sacred.  I hastened  into 
the  midst  of  this  valiant  people,  followed 
by  my  family,  and  wearing  those  colours 
which,  for  the  second  time,  have  marked 
among  us  the  triumph  of  liberty. 

“ I have  come  firmly  resolved  to  devote 
myself  to  all  that  circumstances  should  re- 
quire of  me,  in  the  situation  in  which  they 
have  placed  me,  to  re-establish  the  empire 
of  the  laws,  to  save  liberty  which  was 
threatened,  and  to  render  impossible  the  re- 
turn of  such  great  evils,  by  securing  for  ever 
the  power  of  that  charter,  whose  name,  in- 
voked during  the  contest,  was  also  appealed 
to  after  the  victory. 

“ In  the  accomplishment  of  this  noble  task, 
it  is  for  the  chambers  to  guide  me.  All 
rights  must  be  solemnly  guaranteed;  all  the 
institutions  necessary  to  their  full  and  free 
exercise,  must  receive  the  developments 
which  they  require.  Attached  by  inclina- 
tion and  conviction  to  the  principles  of  a 
free  government,  I accept,  beforehand,  all 
the  consequences  of  it.  I think  it  my  duty 
immediately  to  call  your  attention  to  the  or- 


72 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


ganization  of  the  national  guards,  to  the  ap- 
plication of  the  jury  to  the  crimes  of  the 
press,  the  formation  of  the  departmental  and 
municipal  administrations,  and,  above  all, 
to  that  14th  article  of  the  charter*  which  has 
been  so  hatefully  interpreted.  It  is  with 
these  sentiments,  gentlemen,  that  I come  to 
open  this  session. 

“ The  past  is  painful  to  me.  I deplore 
misfortunes  which  I could  have  wished  to 
prevent;  but  in  the  midst  of  this  magnani- 
mous transport  of  the  capital,  and  of  all  the 
other  French  cities,  at  the  sight  of  order  re- 
viving with  marvellous  promptness,  after  a 
resistance  free  from  all  excesses,  a just  na- 
tional pride  moves  my  heart;  and  I look  for- 
ward with  confidence  to  the  future  destiny 
of  the  country. 

“ Yes,  gentlemen,  France,  which  is  so 
dear  to  us,  will  be  happy  and  free;  it  will 

* The  article  of  the  charter  referred  to,  is  as  follows : 

“ The  King  is  the  Supreme  Head  of  the  State — 
commands  the  land  and  sea  forces — declares  war — 
makes  treaties  of  peace,  alliance  and  commerce— no- 
minates to  all  offices  in  the  public  administration — and 
makes  the  regulations  and  ordinances  necessary  for  the 
execution  of  the  laws,  and  the  safety  of  the  Slate.” 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  73 

show  to  England,  that,  solely  engaged  with 
its  prosperity,  it  loves  peace  as  well  as  li- 
berty, and  desires  only  the  happiness  and 
the  repose  of  its  neighbours. 

“ Respect  for  all  rights — care  for  all  inte- 
rests— good  faith  to  the  government — are 
the  best  means  to  disarm  parties,  and  to 
bring  back  to  people’s  minds  that  confidence 
. — to  the  constitution  that  stability,  which  are 
the  only  certain  pledges  of  the  people,  and 
of  the  strength  of  states. 

“ Peers  and  deputies — As  soon  as  the  cham- 
ber shall  be  constituted,  I shall  have  laid 
before  you  the  acts  of  abdication  by  his  ma- 
jesty, Charles  X.  By  the  same  act  Louis 
Antoine  de  France,  also  renounces  his  rights. 
This  act  was  placed  in  my  hands  yesterday, 
the  2d  of  August,  at  eleven  o’clock  at  night. 
I have,  this  morning,  ordered  it  to  be  depo- 
sited in  the  archives  of  the  chamber  of  peers, 
and  caused  it  to  be  inserted  in  the  official 
part  of  the  Moniteur.” 

Let  us  now  take  a glance  at  the  court  of 
the  ex-king. 

While  events  were  succeeding  each  other 
with  such  great  rapidity  in  Paris,  Charles  X. 
awaited,  outside  of  the  city,  the  consequences 


G 


74 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


of  a political  stroke  by  which  he  had  just 
tried  to  break  the  constitutional  shackles 
he  had  so  long  borne  with  regret. 

Convinced  that  his  violent  measures  would 
be  successful,  he  confidently  expected  news 
from  Paris.  On  the  26th,  the  day  of  the  pub- 
lication of  these  fatal  decrees,  the  Moniteur 
announced  that  the  king  had  gone  to  hunt  in 
Rambouillet.  On  the  28th  he  returned  to 
St.  Cloud.  Not  till  then  did  he  receive  in- 
telligence of  the  city  being  in  a ferment:  al- 
most at  the  same  instant  he  was  apprized 
that  the  civic  guard  had  taken  up  arms,  that 
the  people  were  running  to  the  defence  of 
their  rights. 

But  in  this  overwhelming  catastrophe 
every  action  of  the  king  was  destined  to  be 
marked  with  the  stigma  of  silliness  and  im- 
providence. When  they  represented  to  him 
a picture  of  the  state  of  the  capital,  he  drily 
answered:  “ Never  mind,  a few  charges  of 
the  soldiers  will  stop  that  business.” 

On  the  same  day  the  Moniteur  announced 
to  indignant  France  that  Marmont,  duke  of 
Ragusa,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  first  military  division.  Thus  Charles  X. 
burdened  the  government  of  Paris  with  a 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  75 

traitor  who  not  long  since  sold  Paris  to  a 
stranger.  But  such  faults,  or  rather  such 
crimes,  could  not  long  escape  vengeance. 

On  the  29  th,  in  the  afternoon,  the  wreck 
of  the  royal  guard,  the  lancers,  and  cuiras- 
siers, arrived  at  St.  Cloud.  Men  of  expe- 
rience were  convinced,  that,  as  to  the  court, 
all  was  lost ; but  such  was  the  stubborn  stu- 
pidity of  the  king,  that  he  looked  upon  all 
these  events  as  trifling  and  unimportant — 
“ Dont  fret  yourselves,”  said  he  to  the  cour- 
tesans around  him,  “ it  will  not  last  one  hun- 
dred days*  this  bout.” 

As  for  Polignac,  he  only  answered  the  re- 
proaches that  were  showered  on  him  by  these 
words:  “ Such  was  my  idea- — Besides,  if  they 
are  not  pleased,  they  can  cut  off  my  head.” 
Peyronnet  was  the  only  one  who  preserved 
his  presence  of  mind:  “I  foresaw  it  all,” 
said  he,  “ even  the  civil  war.” 

Thus  was  the  court  situated  when  Ragusa 
appeared.  He  was  very  ill  received  by  the 
dauphin,  who  told  him:  “All  that  has  been 
done  is  the  work  of  treason.  I perceive,  too 

* Alluding  to  Napoleon's  last  reign  of  one  hundred 
days. 


76 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


late,  that  traitors  are  incorrigible.  You  have 
betrayed  us  as  you  did  the  other.”* 

He  afterwards  reproached  him  with  hav- 
ing transgressed  the  instructions  he  had 
received,  in  not  putting  the  Parisians  in 
irons;  in  not  arresting  the  deputies  on  Wed- 
nesday, as  he  was  positively  ordered  to  do; 
finally,  in  having  damped  the  ardour  of  the 
troops,  by  telling  them,  that  negotiations  had 
been  entered  into  with  the  rebels. 

Ragusa  attempted  to  justify  his  conduct; 
but  the  duke  of  Angouleme  flew  at  him,  and 
inflicted  many  blows  on  his  breast  and  throat. 

The  marshal  threatening  to  defened  him- 
self, the  indignant  prince  demanded  his 
sword.  The  moment  the  marshal  delivered 
it,  the  prince  seized  it  so  quickly  and  so 
awkwardly,  that  he  cut  his  hands'.  He  im- 
mediately called  his  guards.  In  an  instant  a 
dozen  guards  were  present  with  fixed  bayo- 
nets, and  seeing  the  prince  wounded,  were 
about  to  pierce  the  marshal.  The  duke  of 
Angouleme  stopped  them:  “ He  is  a traitor,” 
said  he,  “ but  I would  have  him  live.”  This 
scene  was  soon  known,  and  Charles  X.  expe- 
rienced much  trouble  in  effecting  a reconci- 
* Bonaparte. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  77 

liation.  The  dauphin  in  the  mean  time  con- 
sented to  pardon  him.  “ I have  also  been  in 
the  wrong,”  said  he  to  Marmont,  but  I have 
been  well  punished  for  it;  look  at  my  hands.” 

On  the  30th,  about  six  in  the  morning,  the 
duke  of  Angouleme  passed  through  the  alley 
of  St.  Cloud,  to  review  about  one  thousand 
men,  the  wreck  of  the  3d  and  6th  regiments 
of  royal  guards.  Some  Swiss  companies 
were  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  porcelain  fac- 
tory; two  pieces  of  cannon  and  two  covered 
waggons,  with  a number  of  barrels,  were 
thrown  up  for  a battery  on  the  bridge  of 
Sevres.  The  gait  of  the  prince,  the  pose  of 
his  hat  thrown  behind,  and  the  smile  that 
played  continually  on  his  lips,  formed  a sin- 
gular contrast  with  the  grave  and  medita- 
tive countenances  of  these  warriors,  whose 
thoughts  seemed  to  be  entirely  absorbed  by 
the  recollection  of  the  events  that  transpired 
on  the  foregoing  day,  by  a foresight  of  the 
judgment  that  would  be  pronounced  against 
them  by  their  cotemporaries  and  by  poste- 
rity, and  by  the  infamous  treason  of  which 
an  ill  comprehended  military  duty  rendered 
them  the  blind  instruments. 

An  inhabitant  of  Sevres,  addressing  him- 
g 2 


78 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


self  to  a sergeant,  said, — “ Do  you  know,  sir, 
against  whom  you  have  been  fighting?”— 
“Alas,  yes!  it  is  against  the  men  who  are 
defending  our  rights;  but  what  would  you 
have  us  do?  We  are  soldiers:  they  com- 
mand: we  must  obey.”  The  sergeant  rejoin- 
ed his  corps  with  a slow  pace,  and  with  the 
air  of  a man  whose  conscience,  rather  than 
reason,  condemned  this  horrible  doctrine, 
which  made  an  inhuman  monster  of  an  hon- 
est man. 

This  review  was  such,  that  during  the  day, 
Charles  X.,  not  counting  any  longer  on  as- 
sistance from  the  troops  of  the  line,  sent  to 
the  colonel  of  the  50th  regiment,  to  inform 
him,  that  he  had  no  more  need  of  his  ser- 
vices. After  this  declaration,  the  colonel, 
accompanied  by  the  sharp  shooters  of  the 
2d  battalion,  repaired  to  St.  Cloud  to  deliver 
up  his  flag.  Afterwards,  the  whole  regi- 
ment, both  officers  and  soldiers,  dispersed. 

On  the  same  day,  the  division  of  Borde- 
soulle,  which  had  left  Versailles  to  march  to 
Paris,  retraced  their  steps,  and  presented 
themselves  at  the  gate  of  the  avenue  of  Paris, 
asking  permission  to  enter  Versailles,  in 
order  to  return  to  their  quarters;  but  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  79 

sentinel  of  the  national  guards,  charged  with 
the  defence  of  this  barrier,  signified  to  gene- 
ral Bordesoulle  that  the  troops  could  not 
enter  the  village,  without  delivering  up  their 
arms,  as  all  the  other  soldiers  who  presented 
themselves  at  the  gate,  had  done  before;  and 
that  if  they  had  recourse  to  force,  they  would 
be  repelled  by  force. 

General  Bordesoulle  not  daring  to  attack 
it,  his  regiment  was  obliged  to  pass  the 
night  on  the  road. 

The  next  morning  a parley  took  place. 
The  mayor  of  Versailles,  accompanied  by  M. 
Benoit  and  another  citizen,  both  in  uniform, 
repaired  to  the  rendezvous,  after  reciprocal 
explanation,  a commander  of  the  royal  guards 
accompanied  them,  and  declared  to  the  in- 
habitants of  Versailles,  that  all  was  pacified: 
that  all  the  French  were  friends,  and  would 
fight  no  more.  Immediately  afterwards  the 
entire  division  entered,  amid  shouts  of  Vive 
la  chart e! 

This  division  was  composed  of  a batallion 
of  royal  guards  on  foot,  and  of  the  gendarmes 
of  Paris,  as  many  foot  as  horse;  of  a regi- 
ment of  grenadiers,  on  horseback;  a compa- 


80 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


ny  of  artillery,  on  horseback,  and  a regiment 
of  cuirassiers.  On  the  night  of  the  30th  and 
3 1 st,  the  court  departed  for  Trianon,  and 
soon  after  arrived  at  Rambouillet,  leaving  to 
the  Swiss  and  the  royal  guards  the  defence 
of  St.  Cloud,  which  was  soon  attacked,  and 
taken  by  fifty  citizens  led  on  by  three  pupils 
of  the  Polytechnic  school.  But  these  brave 
people  being  attacked  in  their  turn,  two 
hours  after  by  the  lancers,  were  forced  to 
retreat.  This  triumph  of  the  royal  troops 
was  of  short  duration,  for  the  lancers  had 
scarcely  time  to  enter  the  courts,  before  a 
strong  detachment  of  Parisians,  on  a quick 
march,  arranged  themselves  for  battle,  and 
commenced  a tremendous  fire;  they  fought 
furiously,  and  after  a conflict  of  two  hours, 
the  lancers  retreated  in  disorder,  leaving  the 
court  of  the  Chateau  covered  with  the  dead, 
and  bearing  off  their  colonel,  the  duke  of 
Timar$ou,  mortally  wounded.  On  the  news 
of  this  reverse,  the  king  departed  for  Ram- 
bouillet, where  he  arrived  on  the  1st  of 
August. 

Two  days  after,  the  lieutenant-general,  as 
he  had  announced  to  the  chambers,  published 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  81 

the  following  piece,  addressed  to  him  by- 
Charles  X. 

“ ABDICATION. 

“ Cousin — I am  too  profoundly  grieved 
by  the  evils  which  afflict  or  might  threaten 
my  people,  not  to  have  sought  a means  of 
preventing  them.  I have,  therefore,  taken 
the  resolution  to  abdicate  the  crown  in  fa- 
vour of  my  grandson,  the  duke  de  Bordeaux. 

“The  dauphin,  who  partakes  my  senti- 
ments, also  renounces  his  rights  in  favour  of 
his  nephew. 

“ You  must,  then,  in  your  quality  of  lieu- 
tenant-general of  the  kingdom,  cause  the 
ascension  of  Henry  V.  to  the  crown  to  be 
proclaimed.  You  will  take,  besides,  all  the 
measures  which  concern  you  to  regulate  the 
form  of  the  government  during  the  minority 
of  the  new  king.  Here  I confine  myself  to 
making  known  these  dispositions:  it  is  the 
means  of  avoiding  many  evils. 

“ You  will  communicate  my  intentions  to 
the  diplomatic  body;  and  you  will  acquaint 
me  as  soon  as  possible  with  the  proclamation 
by  which  my  grandson  shall  have  been  re- 


82 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


cognised  king  of  France,  under  the  name  of 
Henry  V. 

“ I charge  lieutenant-general  Viscount  de 
Foissac  Latour  to  deliver  this  letter  to  you. 
He  has  orders  to  settle  with  you  the  arrange- 
ments to  be  made  in  favour  of  the  persons 
who  have  accompanied  me,  as  well  as  the  ar- 
rangements necessary  for  what  concerns  me 
and  the  rest  of  my  family. 

“We  will  afterwards  regulate  the  other 
measures  which  will  be  the  consequence  of 
the  change  of  the  reign. 

“ I repeat  to  you,  my  cousin,  the  assurance 
of  the  sentiments  with  which  I am  your  af- 
fectionate cousin,  “ Charles, 

“ Louis  Antoine. 

“ Ramhouillet,  August  2d,  1830.” 

The  reading  of  this  letter  produced  a 
burst  of  indignation  and  pity:  “What!” 
cried  they, from  all  quarters;  “ what!  Charles 
the  Tenth:  had  he  the  audacity  to  say,  ‘by 
the  evils  which  afflict,  or  which  threaten  his 
people !'  Who  then  has  caused  these  evils? 
Who  has  made  the  soldiers  fire  at,  and  mas- 
sacre the  heroic  population  of  Paris?  ‘ His 
people!'  thanks  to  heaven,  the  French  people 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  83 

belong  to  no  one.  What  excess  of  impu- 
dence! Charles  the  Tenth,  in  speaking  of 
the  French  nation,  says  again:  ‘his  people !’ 
And  ‘his  people ’ he  bequeaths,  like  a vile 
flock,  to  this  child,  whose  origin  was  a mys- 
tery; to  this  child,  so  unfortunately  born;  to 
this  child,  who  is  to  be  pitied,  because  he  is 
not  guilty;  to  this  child,  who,  if  he  were  the 
grandchild  of  Charles  the  Tenth,  would  be 
marked  with  universal  reproach! 

“You  abdicate!  We  reject  your  abdica- 
tion,— you  have  fallen,  legitimately  fallen; 
France  discarded  you,  your  son,  and  your 
pretended  grandson.  She  will  have  nothing 
more  to  do  with  you, — begone,  lest  your 
presence  sully  the  soil  of  France.  You  have 
surpassed  Charles  IX.;  and  posterity  will 
be  just  when  it  shall  say,  ‘ Charles  the  per- 
jured!’ ” 

This  act  of  abdication,  Charles  accompa- 
nied with  a letter,  in  which  he  requested  a 
safe  conduct  for  himself,  his  family,  and  his 
retinue;  lastly  to  stipulate  the  conditions  of 
the  exile  to  which  he  was  condemned.  His 
retinue  was  as  soon  as  possible  named, 
and  set  off  for  Rambouillet.  But  a new 
piece  of  folly  was  committed  by  the  king, 


84 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


who,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  mass,  sent  post 
haste  to  Paris  the  following  note,  remarka- 
ble only  for  its  stupidity: 

“ The  king  wishing  to  put  an  end  to  the 
troubles  that  exist  in  the  capital,  and  in  a part 
of  France,  relying  besides  upon  the  sincere  at- 
tachment of  his  cousin,  the  duke  of  Orleans, 
he  appoints  him  lieutenant-general  of  the 
kingdom. 

“ The  king,  having  thought  it  convenient 
to  repeal  his  ordinances  of  the  25th  July, 
sanctions  the  meeting  of  the  chambers  on 
the  3d  of  August,  and  hopes  that  they  will 
re-establish  the  tranquillity  of  France. 

“ The  king  will  remain  here  till  the  return 
of  the  person  charged  with  the  delivery  of 
this  declaration.  If  any  attempt  be  made 
against  the  life  or  liberty  of  the  king  or  his 
family,  he  will  defend  himself  to  the  last  drop 
of  his  blood. 

“ Given  at  Rambouillet,  August  2d,  1830. 

“ Charles.” 

The  king  was  in  the  same  mood  when  the 
commissaries  arrived  at  Rambouillet  One 
of  them,  the  duke  of  Coigny,  was  alone  intro- 
duced to  the  ex-king,  who  asked  him  who  ac- 
companied him? — 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  85 

The  duke  answered  that  his  companions 
were  the  duke  of  Tarento,  Schonen  and  Odil- 
lon  Barot. 

“ That’s  a smart  piece  of  business,”  said 
the  king. 

“ It  were  to  be  wished,  Sire,”  returned  the 
other,  “ that  it  was  more  so,  I could  then  an- 
swer more  assuredly  for  the  life  of  your  ma- 
jesty.” 

“We  are  not  come  to  that  pass  yet,  sir;  and 
I tell  you  plainly,  I will  not  receive  your  col- 
leagues. I have  expedited  new  decrees  to 
Paris;  I will  await  an  answer  to  them.”  The 
duke  of  Coigny  having  retired,  communicated 
to  his  colleagues  the  substance  of  the  discourse 
he  had  had  with  the  ex-king  and  all  four  re- 
turned as  soon  as  possible  to  Paris. 

As  soon  as  this  affair  came  to  be  known 
every  one  ran  to  arms.  Hackney  coaches, 
stages,  and  omnibuses  were  put  into  a state 
of  requisition;  and  ten  thousand  men,  com- 
manded by  general  Pajol,  set  off  by  post. 
But  when  they  arrived  at  Rambouillet  the 
court  had  resigned:  Charles  had  restored  the 
diamonds  of  the  crown,  and  accompanied  by 
his  retinue,  took  the  route  of  Cherbourg. 


H 


86 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Throne  declared  vacant. — Discussion  of  the  Question 
of  Government. — Speech  of  Chateaubriand. — Offer  of 
the  Crown  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans , who  accepts  it. — 
Accusation  of  the  Ex-ministers. — Coronation  of  Louis 
Philip. — Discontent  of  the  People. — Law  for  the  relief 
of  the  Families  of  the  killed  and  wounded  in  the  Revo- 
lution. 

On  Monday,  August  the  7th,  the  lieute- 
tenant-general  nominated  as  members  of  the 
provisional  government, 

M.  Guizot,  Minister  of  the  Interior. 

Baron  Louis,  Minister  of  Finance. 

M.  Dupont  de  l’Eure,  Minister  of  Jus- 
tice. 

General  Gerard,  Minister  of  War. 

Count  Reinhart,  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs. 

M.  Girod  de  L’Ain,  Minister  of  the 
Prefecture  of  the  Police. 

On  the  same  evening,  the  Marquis  de  la 
Roche  Jacqueline  arrived  fiom  Rambouillet, 
with  the  act  of  abdication. 

The  dauphin  also  absolved  the  military 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  87 

from  their  oath  of  allegiance  to  him.  The 
jewels  of  the  crown  were  put  in  the  hands  of 
General  Pajol,  to  be  carried  to  Paris.  The 
new?  was  communicated  in  the  following 
despatch: 

“ Ravibouillet,  August  3 d,  (evening.) 

u Monseigneur, 

“ It  is  with  joy  that  we  announce  the  suc- 
cess of  our  mission.  The  king  has  consented 
to  depart  with  his  family.  We  shall  inform 
your  highness  of  every  incident  of  our  jour- 
ney with  the  greatest  precision.  May  it 
have  a happy  termination! 

“ We  take  the  road  to  Cherbourg.  The 
troops  have  been  ordered  to  Epernon.  To- 
morrow morning  we  shall  know  definitively, 
who  is  to  accompany  the  king.  With  the 
utmost  respect,  &c. 

“De  Schonen. 

“ Marshal  Maison. 

“ Odillon  Barot.” 

On  Friday,  August  the  6th,  the  chamber 
of  deputies  declared  the  throne  vacant,  and 
proposed  a change  in  certain  articles  of  the 
charter.  On  the  succeeding  day,  it  was  de- 
clared, that  the  general  and  pressing  inte- 


88 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


rests  of  the  French  nation,  call  to  the  throne 
his  royal  highness,  Louis  Philippe  d’Orleans 
lieutenant-general  of  the  kingdom,  and  his 
descendants  for  ever,  from  male  to  male,  in 
order  of  primogeniture,  to  the  perpetual  ex- 
clusion of  females  and  their  descendants. 
Consequently,  that  his  royal  highness  be  in- 
vited to  fulfil  the  above  clauses  and  engage- 
ments, the  observances  of  the  constitutional 
charter,  and  the  modifications  pointed  out; 
and  having  done  so,  to  assume  the  title  of 
king  of  the  French. 

This  question  was  warmly  discussed  in 
the  house  of  deputies. 

M.  de  Conny  called  upon  them  to  pause, 
reminding  them  that  force  did  not  constitute 
right;  and  implored  them  at  that  terrible 
moment,  not  to  suffer  themselves  to  be  sub- 
jugated by  the  cries  heard  from  without; 
but  to  remember  their  oaths,  and  to  acknow- 
ledge the  sacred  rights  of  the  duke  of  Bor- 
deaux. 

M.  B.  Constant  declared  that  no  alarm 
need  be  excited  by  the  agitation  without — 
that  a prince  was  required  of  a different 
character  from  the  last,  whose  acts  had  been 
so  dreadful  and  deplorable — that  legitimacy 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  89 

was  no  longer  to  be  invoked,  and  should  be 
abjured,  since  it  had  stained  the  streets  with 
blood. 

M.  Hyde  de  Neuville  declared,  that  for 
himself,  he  had  done  all  a Frenchman  could 
do  to  prevent  the  calamities  which  had  fallen 
on  the  nation — that  he  had  not  betrayed  that 
family,  whom  false  friends  had  precipitated 
into  an  abyss.  He  advised  them  to  delibe- 
rate, and  not  to  trust  the  fate  of  the  country 
to  the  impressions  of  a moment.  “ With 
my  hand  on  my  heart,”  said  he  “ I must  re- 
pel the  dangerous  sovereignty  which  you 
propose.” 

M.  Alex,  de  Laborde  advocated  the  cause 
of  the  duke  of  Orleans  warmly,  whom  the 
acknowledgment  of  the  duke  of  Bordeaux 
would  compel  to  bow  before  an  infant,  recall- 
ing by  his  presence  nothing  but  crimes  and 
misfortunes;  besides,  he  declared  the  former 
to  be  descended  more  directly,  if  historical 
legitimacy  be  in  question,  than  the  latter, 
from  that  king  whose  memory  they  all  vene- 
rated. 

M.  Peton  pronounced  legitimacy  as  over- 
whelmed by  seas  of  blood. 

M.  Berryer  would  not  admit  that  the 
h 2 


90 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


throne  was  vacant — and  denied  the  right  of 
the  chamber  to  pronounce  it  so. 

M.  Villemain  summoned  the  chamber  to 
proclaim  its  independence,  by  an  act  offering 
the  throne  to  the  duke  of  Orleans,  and  stipu- 
lating guaranties  for  the  stability  of  order. 

M.  Podenas  proposed  that  £ the  throne 
should  be  declared  vacant,  in  consequence  of 
the  violation  of  the  charter,  and  of  the  laws.’ 
In  support  of  this,  he  drew  a picture  of  the 
events  which  had  led  to  the  fall  of  the  ex- 
king,  who,  he  said,  ‘ was  the  worthy  heir  to 
the  ferocity  of  Charles  IX.,  and  had  not  the 
courage  to  show  himself  in  the  hour  of 
danger.’ 

M.  de  Martignac,  cautiously  attempted 
to  interest  the  feelings  of  the  members  in  fa- 
vour of  the  king;  of  whom  he  declared  his 
conviction  that  he  was  any  thing  but  fero- 
cious, and  had  only  been  deceived;  that  he 
himself  had  known  him  long  and  well,  and 
was  sure  that  the  love  of  his  country  was  up- 
permost in  his  feelings. 

M.  Berard  could  not,  ‘ with  sang-froid , 
hear  it  stated  that  the  heart  of  Charles 
glowed  with  the  sacred  fire  of  love  of  coun- 
try. The  sceptre  was  in  his  hands  the  sym- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  91 

bol  of  protection,  he  had  broken  it  upon  his 
people*’ 

M.  Alexis  de  Noailles  defended  the  king, 
and  like  the  others  of  his  party,  threw  all  the 
blame  upon  the  ministers. 

The  proposed  alterations  in  the  charter 
were  then  discussed  and  put  to  vote  sepa- 
rately, and  afterwards  on  the  whole;  special 
provisions  were  also  made  for  annulling  the 
peerages  created  by  Charles  X.,  for  reform- 
ing the  peerage  and  judiciary,  and  for  other 
matters. 

Two  days  afterwards,  the  house  of  peers 
sat  to  deliberate  on  the  declaration  received 
from  the  chamber  of  deputies.  Chateau- 
briand opposed  it,  and  stood  forth  as  the 
champion  of  the  young  duke  of  Bordeaux, 
in  a speech  more  distinguishable  for  its  elo- 
quence, than  for  its  liberalism.  We  give  it 
at  full  length. 

“ Gentlemen: — The  declaration  which 
has  been  brought  before  this  chamber,  ap- 
pears to  me  far  less  confused,  than  it  does  to 
those  peers  who  profess  to  differ  with  me  in 
opinion.  There  is  one  feature  in  this  de- 
claration, which  is  primary  to,  or  rather 


92 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


tends  to  destroy,  every  other.  If  we  were  in 
a state  of  perfect  civil  order,  I should  with- 
out doubt  carefully  consider  those  changes 
which,  it  is  now  pretended,  are  made  in  our 
charter.  Many  of  these  changes  have  been 
proposed  by  myself.  I am  only  astonished 
that  this  chamber  can  for  one  moment  dis- 
cuss the  expediency  of  a reaction  on  the 
peers  created  by  Charles  X.  I am  not  by 
any  means  an  advocate  for  them  as  a body, 
and  you  know  that  I have  been  the  object  of 
their  threats;  but  to  appoint  ourselves  the 
judges  of  our  colleagues,  and  to  erase  from 
the  number  of  peers,  whomsoever  we  may  at 
any  time  wish,  appear  to  me  too  much  bor- 
dering on  proscription.  Is  it  intended  to  de- 
stroy the  peerage?  It  were  better  to  lose 
our  lives  than  to  seek  for  it. 

“ I have  already  taken  up  too  much  of  your 
time  on  a subject  which,  though  of  great  im- 
portance, yet  must  give  way  to  the  greatness 
of  the  present  events.  France  is  without 
any  firm  government,  and  I shall  now  take 
up  your  attention  with  considering  how 
much  it  would  be  necessary  to  add  to,  or 
take  from,  the  masts  of  a vessel,  which  has 
already  lost  its  helm.  In  my  discussion  on 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  93 

the  declaration  of  the  chamber,  I shall  waive 
all  secondary  considerations,  and  confine  my- 
self solely  to  the  real  or  pretended  vacancy 
of  the  throne. 

“ A question  ought  previously  to  be  consi- 
dered; if  the  throne  is  vacant,  are  we  free  to 
choose  our  form  of  government?  Before  of- 
fering the  crown  to  any  individual,  it  would 
be  well  to  determine  what  is  to  be  the  form 
of  our  civil  government,  whether  that  of  a 
republic  or  monarchy. 

“ Does  either  a republic  or  a newly  modell- 
ed monarchy  offer  to  France  any  securities 
that  its  strength  and  peace  shall  be  secured? 
A republic  would  carry  with  it  recollections 
of  our  former  republic.  Those  recollections 
have  not  yet  been  forgotten.  The  people 
still  remember  the  time  when  liberty  and 
equality  were  but  made  the  pretexts  for  mur- 
der. If  anarchy  should  again  stalk  over  our 
land,  shall  we  be  able  to  arouse  from  his  rock 
the  slumbering  Hercules,  who  alone  could 
crush  the  monster?  There  have  not  been 
more  than  five  or  six  such  men  recorded  in 
the  page  of  history,  and  can  you  expect  to 
see  another  Napoleon? 

“ Besides,  our  own  habits  and  our  relations 


94 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


with  neighbouring  powers  make  the  forma- 
tion of  a republic  perfectly  impracticable. 
The  first  obstacle  would  be  the  difficulty  of 
creating  a unanimity  among  the  French 
themselves.  What  right  has  Paris  to  im- 
pose on  Marseilles  or  any  other  city  a repub- 
lican government?  Shall  there  be  but  one 
republic,  or  twenty  or  thirty?  Shall  they  be 
federal  or  independent?  Plowever,  waiving 
these  objections,  let  us  suppose  one  united 
republic.  Do  you  believe,  while  conscious 
of  the  enthusiasm  of  the  French  character, 
that  any  president,  however  resolute  or  ta- 
lented he  may  be,  could  remain  more  than 
one  year  at  the  head  of  the  administration? 
Neither  defended  by  the  laws  nor  by  past  re- 
collections, insulted  continually  by  secret  ri- 
vals and  by  promoters  of  disturbance,  he 
could  not  inspire  that  confidence  so  neces- 
sary to  commerce,  nor  be  possessed  of  that 
dignity  suitable  in  transactions  with  foreign 
nations,  nor  could  he  command  the  power 
requisite  for  the  maintenance  of  order  at 
home.  If  he  were  to  use  revolutionary  mea- 
sures, the  republic  would  attach  odium  on 
itself;  and  the  rest  of  Europe,  profiting  from 
our  divisions,  would  foment  our  quarrels, 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  95 

until  we  should  find  ourselves  plunged  anew 
into  frightful  struggles. 

“ A representative  republic  will  perhaps 
hereafter  constitute  the  government  of  all 
countries,  but  the  time  for  such  a state  of 
things  has  not  yet  arrived. 

“ I now  proceed  to  the  consideration  of 
monarchy.  A monarch,  whose  appointment 
is  to  depend  on  the  selection  of  the  chambers 
or  people,  will  always  be  a novelty.  But  I 
suppose  that  the  victory  which  the  people 
have  lately  so  gloriously  gained,  has  for  its 
object  the  attainment  of  their  liberty,  parti- 
cularly the  freedom  of  the  press.  But  will  not 
every  monarchy,  sooner  or  later,  be  obliged 
to  destroy  this  very  liberty?  Even  the  ta- 
lents and  power  of  a Napoleon  were  not  suffi- 
cient to  permit  its  existence.  Gained  by  our 
misfortunes,  and  perpetually  a victim  to  our 
glory,  the  liberty  of  the  press  will  alone  find 
security  in  the  stability  of  a well  founded  go- 
vernment. Would  not  a monarchy,  the 
reeking  bastard  of  a night  of  blood , ( batarde 
d’une  nuit  sanglante ) be  obliged  to  recoil  from 
the  opinions  of  independent  men?  If  some 
advocate  a republican  form,  others  a differ- 
ent system,  do  you  not  fear  that  you  will  be 


96 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


obliged  to  resort  to  the  laws  of  exception , 
notwithstanding  the  suppression  of  the  8th 
word  (Art.  VIII  of  the  charter).  Then,  ye 
friends  of  organized  liberty,  what  will  you 
have  gained  by  the  change  which  is  now 
proposed?  You  will  inevitably  be  ingulfed 
in  republicanism  or  legalised  servitude.  Mo- 
narchy will  be  borne  and  swept  down  the 
tide  by  the  torrent  of  democratic  legislation, 
or  the  monarch  himself  will  be  swallowed 
up  in  the  vortex  of  faction.  In  the  glow  of 
success  we  picture  to  ourselves  that  every 
thing  is  feasible — we  anticipate  a remedy  for 
our  wants — the  attainment  of  our  prosperity. 
Each  one  flatters  himself  that  the  rest  will 
divest  themselves  of  vanity  and  interest}  it 
is  believed  that  the  superior  talents  and  wis- 
dom of  the  government  will  surmount  every 
barrier}  but  after  the  lapse  of  a few  months, 
practice  will  give  the  lie  to  theory. 

“You  have  before  you,  gentlemen,  but  a 
few  of  the  inconveniences  ancillary  to  the 
formation  of  a republic,  or  newly  modelled 
monarchy.  If  either  be  perilous,  there  is  an 
alternative,  and  it  is  incumbent  on  me  to  say 
a few  words  on  this  point. 

“ The  splendour  of  the  diadem  has  been 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  97 

sullied  by  the  treachery  of  its  ministers,  who 
have  attempted  to  seal  the  violation  of  their 
faith,  with  the  blood  of  our  citizens,  and  have 
gambled  away  their  oaths,  sworn  before 
earth  and  heaven. 

“ Strangers,  you  who  twice  have  entered 
Paris  without  resistance,  learn  now  the  cause 
of  your  success.  You  imagine  you  have  the 
shield  of  the  laws  to  screen  your  violations. 
If  to-day  you  were  to  lend  your  aid  to  tyran- 
ny, think  you  that  the  gates  of  the  capital  of 
the  civilized  world  would  open  thus  easily  to 
your  approach?  The  French  race  has  be- 
come colossal,  since  your  departure,  under 
the  laws  of  the  constitution.  Our  boys  of 
fourteen  have  assumed  the.  bearing  of  giants 
—our  conscripts  of  Algiers,  our  scholars  at 
Paris,  have  awakened  to  enterprise  the  sons 
of  the  victors  of  Austerlitz,  Marengo,  and 
Jena — sons  emblazoned  with  all  the  splen- 
dour that  liberty  can  add  to  glory. 

“ Never  was  there  a more  just  or  heroic 
opposition  to  despotism  than  that  made  by 
the  people  of  Paris.  They  have  not  risen  to 
violate,  but  vindicate  the  laws;  while  our 
rulers  revered  the  social  compact,  the  peo- 
ple were  peaceable;  they  have  brooked  in- 


i 


98 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


suit,  provocation  and  menace,  without  com- 
plaint; they  have  lavished  their  money  and 
their  blood  in  exchange  for  the  charter:  but, 
after  having  deceived  us  to  the  last  hour, 
the  ministers  have  proclaimed  our  slavery. 
When  the  combination  of  servility  and  hypo- 
crisy flashed  upon  us — when  the  terror  of  the 
castle,  organized  by  eunuchs,  thought  itself 
able  to  impose  upon  us  the  horrors  of  a repub- 
lic and  the  iron  yoke  of  an  empire,  then  did 
the  people  put  on  the  armour  of  intelligence 
and  courage — our  very  shopkeepers  manned 
the  cannon,  and  proved  that  it  required  more 
than  four  soldiers  and  a corporal  to  enforce 
obedience.  A century  could  not  more  have 
ripened  the  destinies  of  a people,  than  the 
last  three  suns  that  have  shone  upon  France. 
A great  crime  has  been  committed;  it  has 
produced  the  energetic  explosion  of  our  feel- 
ing. Should  this  crime,  and  the  moral  and 
political  triumph  which  has  now  been 
achieved,  be  added  as  a pretext  for  the  abo- 
lition of  established  order?  Let  us  see. 

“ Charles  X.  and  his  son  have  lost  their 
thrones,  or  if  you  will,  have  abdicated;  but, 
is  the  throne  therefore  to  be  declared  vacant? 
There  is  yet  an  infant  child,  and  is  he  to  be 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  99 

the  innocent  victim  to  the  crimes  of  his  an- 
cestors? What  blood  has  yet  stained  his 
hands?  Can  you  say  that  it  is  that  which 
has  been  shed  by  his  father?  This  orphan, 
educated  in  our  colleges,  with  a love  for  a 
constitutional  government,  and  with  a pre- 
possession for  the  ideas  of  the  present  age, 
could  be  modelled  into  a sovereign,  whose 
government  should  accord  with  future  events. 
It  is  the  guardian  of  this  ward  who  ought  to 
answer  to  the  declaration  on  which  you  are 
now  going  to  vote.  When  arrived  at  man- 
hood, this  young  monarch  would  again  re- 
new his  oaths.  The  present  king,  who  is 
now  actually  our  sovereign,  would  have  been 
willing  to  appoint  the  duke  d’Orleans  as  re- 
gent to  his  grandson,  a prince  who  has  lived 
among  the  people,  and  who  knows,  that  a 
monarchy,  in  order  to  insure  support,  must 
be  directed  by  the  will  of  the  people  and  by 
reason.  This  natural  connexion  has  appear- 
ed to  me  a great  means  to  promote  concilia- 
tion, and  would  perhaps  have  saved  France 
from  those  calamities  which  are  ever  conse- 
quent on  violent  changes  in  a state. 

“ Is  it  not  preposterous  to  declare,  that 
this  child,  separated  from  his  former  masters, 


100 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


would  not  cease  to  forget  them?  or  is  it  to 
be  supposed,  that,  after  a long  education 
among  the  people,  and  after  the  dreadful 
warning  of  the  dethronement  of  two  kings  in 
two  nights,  he  would  still  cling  to  those  dog- 
matical principles,  imbued  in  his  early  in- 
fancy? 

“ I do  not  mean  to  contend,  that  the  blood 
of  Louis  IX.,  flowing  in  the  veins  of  young 
Henry,  would  instil  nobler  sentiments  into 
the  youthful  prince.  I believe  not  in  the  di- 
vine right  of  kings;  but  I believe  in  the  power 
of  revelation  and  facts.  I bring  not  even  the 
charter  to  my  support;  I draw  my  ideas 
from  a higher  source;  I deduce  them  from 
those  considerations  which  will  influence 
me,  when  I am  about  to  die.  Influenced  by 
these  sentiments,  I propose  the  duke  of 
Bourdeaux,  as  our  future  sovereign;  believ- 
ing that  such  a measure  would  be  productive 
of  more  advantage  than  any  other. 

“ I know  that  in  the  dethronement  of  this 
child,  it  is  thought  that  the  sovereignty  of 
the  people  will  be  established.  How  mis- 
taken is  such  a notion;  the  foolish  idea  of 
the  old  school,  which  tends  but  to  prove  that 
our  old  democrats  have  not  made  more  pro- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  101 

gress  than  the  ancient  supporters  of  royalty. 
Liberty  does  not  flow  from  political  rights, 
as  was  supposed  in  the  eighteenth  century; 
it  comes  from  our  natural  rights,  which  exist 
under  every  form  of  government.  A monar- 
chy may  be  as  free,  or  perhaps  more  free, 
than  a republic;  but  this  is  not  the  time  to 
lay  down  any  course  of  policy.  I shall  only 
remark,  that  in  disposing  of  thrones,  the  peo- 
ple have  often  involved  the  loss  of  their  own 
liberty.  The  principle  of  hereditary  monar- 
chy, however  absurd  it  may  appear,  has  been 
sanctioned  by  custom,  as  being  preferable  to 
elective.  The  reasons  are  so  evident,  that  I 
shall  not  now  dwell  on  them.  You  may 
elect  a king  to-day,  but  who  is  to  prevent 
you  from  displacing  him  by  another  to-mor- 
row? The  law,  you  will  perhaps  say.  The 
law!  But  who  are  they  that  have  made  the 
laws?  You  assert  the  sovereignty  of  your 
physical  strength,  but  beware  of  this  strength; 
for  if  it  escapes  you,  you  will  have  just  rea- 
son to  rue  it.  Such  is  human  nature.  The 
most  intelligent  and  just  minds  are  not  al- 
ways superior  to  the  effects  of  success. 
These  are  ever  foremost  in  asserting  their 
rights  against  violence,  and  in  supporting 

i 2 


102 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


those  rights  with  all  their  talents;  but  at  the 
very  moment  that  the  justice  of  their  cause 
is  proved  by  the  basest  tyranny,  and  by  the 
ruin  of  that  tyranny,  they  seize  upon  that 
strength,  which  they  were  instrumental  in 
destroying — miserable  stumps  that  unprofit- 
ably  wound  their  own  hands. 

“ I have  transported  my  argument  to  the 
ground  of  my  adversaries.  I am  not  going 
to  bivouac  on  the  past,  beneath  the  old  ban- 
ner of  the  dead;  a banner  which,  though  not 
inglorious,  flags  along  its  staff,  for  no  breath 
of  life  plays  around  it.  Should  I stir  up  the 
dustof  thirty-five  Capets, I could  not  there  dis- 
cover an  argument  which  would  be  listened 
to.  The  idolatry  of  a name  is  abolished; 
monarchy  is  no  more  a religion,  it  is  a poli- 
tical form,  preferable  at  this  moment  to  every 
other,  because  it  introduces  at  once  order 
and  liberty. 

u Useless  as  Cassandra,  I have  already  fa- 
tigued the  throne  and  the  nation  with  my  dis- 
dained prophecies;  it  only  remains  for  me  to 
lay  myself  down  on  a fragment  of  that  wreck 
which  I have  so  often  predicted.  I recog- 
nise with  regret,  every  kind  of  power,  except 
that  of  unbinding  me  from  my  oath  of  fideli- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  103 

| ' W,  8!Mp.  . ‘f  % - l 

ty.  I should  also  render  my  life  uniform, 
after  all  that  I have  done,  said  and  written 
for  the  Bourbons,  I would  be  the  basest  of 
all  wretches,  were  I to  flinch,  when  for  the 
third  and  last  time,  they  stood  on  the  verge 
of  exile.  I leave  fear  to  those  generous  roy- 
alists, who  have  never  sacrificed  a farthing 
or  a post  to  their  loyalty;  to  those  cham- 
pions of  the  altar  and  the  throne,  who  treated 
me  as  a renegade,  an  apostate,  and  a revolu- 
tionist. Pious  libellists,  the  renegade  calls 
you;  now  breathe  but  a word  of  regret,  a 
single  word  with  him,  for  the  unfortunate 
master  that  has  loaded  you  with  presents 
and  whom  you  have  for  ever  lost.  Ye  that 
provoked  the  scourges  of  the  state;  preach- 
ers of  constituent  power,  where  are  you? 
You  shrink  into  that  mire  from  the  bottom 
of  which  you  formerly  raised  your  heads  to 
calumniate  the  true  friends  of  the  king: 
Your  silence  to-day,  is  worthy  your  language 
yesterday.  It  is  natural  that  all  these  brava- 
does, whose  projected  exploits  have  chased 
the  descendants  of  Henry  IV.  with  pitch- 
forks,  now  tremble  and  duck  before  the  tri- 
coloured cockade.  The  noble  colours  with 
which  they  plume  themselves,  will  protect 


104 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


their  persons,  but  can  never  screen  their  cow- 
ardice. Moreover,  in  expressing  myself  thus 
frankly  to  this  tribunal,  I do  not  conceive 
that  I am  performing  an  act  of  heroism. 
We  are  not  living  in  that  age,  when  an  opi- 
nion costs  a man  his  head:  were  such  the 
case,  I would  speak  a hundred  times  louder. 
The  best  shield  is  a breast  that  fears  not  to 
uncover  itself  to  an  enemy.  No,  gentlemen, 
we  have  to  dread  neither  a people  whose  rea- 
son equals  its  courage,  nor  the  generous 
youth  whom  I admire,  with  whom  all  the  fa- 
culties of  my  soul  sympathize,  and  to  whom 
I wish,  as  well  as  my  country,  honour,  glory, 
liberty. 

“ Far  from  me  be  the  thought  of  strewing 
the  seeds  of  division  through  France;  and  on 
this  account  have  I divested  my  discourse  of 
the  accents  of  passion.  Were  I intimately 
convinced  that  a child  should  be  left  in  ob- 
scure rank  and  happy  in  life,  to  insure  the 
repose  of  thirty-three  millions  of  men,  I 
would  have  regarded  as  a crime  every  word 
uttered  in  contradiction  to  the  necessity  of 
the  times;  but  I have  no  such  conviction. 
Had  I the  disposal  of  the  crown,  I would 
cheerfully  lay  it  at  the  feet  of  the  duke  of  Or- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  105 

leans.  But  all  that  I can  see  vacant  is  the 
royal  vault  at  St  Denis,  not  the  throne. 

“ Whatever  destiny  awaits  the  lieutenant- 
general  of  the  kingdom,  I shall  never  be  his 
enemy,  if  he  advance  the  prosperity  of  my 
country.  I only  ask  for  the  preservation  of 
the  liberty  of  my  conscience,  and  the  right 
of  laying  myself  down  to  die  wherever  I can 
find  repose  and  independence. 

“ I vote  against  the  projected  declaration.” 
The  whole  declaration  was  adopted,  with 
the  exception  of  the  clause  annulling  the 
peerages  created  by  Charles  X. 

Paris  appeared,  from  early  in  the  next 
morning,  as  a festival.  Multitudes  moved 
towards  the  chamber  of  deputies,  but  none 
were  admitted  without  tickets.  A tribune 
was  prepared,  and  kept  vacant  for  the  Or- 
leans family,  and  one  for  the  diplomatic 
corps,  and  but  few  other  places  were  re- 
served. The  doors  were  opened  at  noon, 
when  persons  supplied  with  tickets  were  ad- 
mitted, most  of  those  in  the  tribunes  were  la- 
dies. At  about  one  o’clock,  the  deputies 
were  called  into  the  committee  room,  to  cast 
lots  for  the  grand  deputation  to  receive  the 
lieutenant-general. 


106 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


At  that  moment,  the  peers  arrived  in 
great  numbers.  The  two  ranges  on  the 
right  had  been  reserved.  There  were  pre- 
sent, Talleyrand,  d’Ambrugeac,  Marquis 
d’Aligre,  duke  de  la  Trimouille,  Baron  Mont- 
morency, count  Castellane,  duke  de  Broglie, 
count  de  Ponticoulant,  duke  de  Castries, 
Portal,  Roy,  Chaptal,  Mollien,  Montebello, 
Simeon,  Portalis,  Claparede,  Chollet,  Mon- 
talivet,  St.  Aulaire,  Belliarn,  Boissel  de  Mon- 
ville,  and  count  de  Soules.  The  duke  of 
Montebello  had  his  arm  in  a sling,  having- 
been  wounded  in  fighting  three  days  for  the 
revolution. 

A large  chair,  raised  on  one  step,  and 
placed  under  a canopy  of  decorated  crimson 
velvet,  and  shaded  with  tricoloured  flags,  &c. 
Two  tables,  covered  with  frieze  velvet,  stood 
a little  in  advance,  on  one  of  which  was  a 
writing  desk  with  papers,  and  on  the  other 
the  crown,  sceptre,  sword  and  hand  of  jus- 
tice. In  a corresponding  style  of  simplicity 
was  the  dress  of  the  deputies  and  peers, 
which  was  that  of  citizens. 

Opposite  the  throne,  was  the  place  of  the 
reporters,  and  on  gilt  seats  were  placed  nu- 
merous ladies.  An  English  officer  was  pre- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


107 


in 

le 


■) 

’) 

) 


► 

i 


sent,  and  several  persons  believed  to  be 
American  diplomatists.  Princess  Bagra- 
tion, and  a Spanish  lady,  were  remarked. 
One  of  the  tribunes,  in  an  angle  on  the  right 
of  the  throne,  being  reserved  for  the  Orleans 
family,  was  occupied  at  a quarter  past  two, 
by  the  duchess  of  Orleans,  Mile.  d’Orleans, 
her  daughter,  the  young  duchesses  de  Valois 
and  de  Beaujolais,  the  duke  de  Joinville,  and 
the  duke  d’Aumale — the  last  about  eight 
years  old.  Mile.  d’Orleans,  sister  of  the 
duke,  was  also  present. 

The  duke  approached  on  horseback, 
with  his  two  sons,  the  -dukes  de  Chartres, 
and  de  Nemours.  They  were  announced 
by  artillery.  He  was  attended  by  a very 
small  staff,  which  general  Gerard  joined. 
The  “ Reveil  du  Peuple,”  and  the  “ Mar- 
seillaise,” being  heard,  the  deputies  and 
peers  took  their  seats.  The  duke  entered, 
but  without  military  guard  or  courtiers. 
The  committees  took  their  seats  with  their 
colleagues,  and  there  were  then  about  90 
peers  present,  and  300  deputies.  The  duke 
was  received  with  cries  of  ‘ Vive  le  Roi,’ 

‘ Vive  leDuc  d’Orleans,’  to  which  he  replied 
by  saluting  the  assembly  three  times,  and 


108 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


then  seated  himself  with  Oudinot  and  Mor- 
tier,  (in  the  place  of  Marmont)  on  the  right, 
and  Macdonald  and  Molitore,  (in  place  of 
Victor)  on  the  left.  Five  paces  in  the  rear 
was  Marshal  Jourdan,  commissioner  of  fo- 
reign affairs — general  Gerard  and  M.  Du- 
pont, on  the  right,  and  Messrs.  Guizot,  Big- 
non,  and  Louis,  on  the  left.  All  these, 
except  general  Gerard,  were  in  citizens’ 
dresses. 

The  duke  of  Orleans  requested  the  mem- 
bers to  be  seated;  and  then  addressed  Ca- 
simir  Perrier,  president  of  the  chamber  as 
follows: — ‘ Mr.  president  of  the  chamber  of 
deputies,  please  to  read  the  declaration  of 
the  chamber.’  He  accordingly  read  it  while 
the  assembly  kept  the  most  attentive  silence. 
Mr.  C.  Perrier,  in  reading  the  name  of  the 
duke,  said — ‘ Call  to  the  throne  his  royal 
highness  Philip  of  Orleans,  duke  of  Orleans.’ 
— the  lieutenant-general  interrupting  him, 
said  ‘ Louis  Philip,’  and  the  reader,  correct- 
ing himself,  proceeded;  and  on  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  charter,  placed  it  in  the  hands  of 
the  duke,  who  handed  it  to  the  commis- 
sioner of  the  interior.  He  then  addressed 
the  president  of  the  peers — ‘ Mr.  president 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  109 

of  the  chamber  of  peers,  please  to  add  the 
act  of  adhesion  of  the  chamber  of  peers  to 
the  declaration  of  the  chamber  of  deputies. 
This  being  done,  the  lieutenant-general  made 
the  following  declaration: 

“ Gentlemen,  Peers  and  Deputies, — 

“ I have  read  with  great  attention  the  de- 
claration of  the  deputies,  and  the  act  of  ad- 
hesion of  the  chamber  of  peers;  I have  con- 
sidered and  weighed  all  the  expressions. 

“ I accept,  without  restriction  or  reserve, 
the  clauses  and  engagements  which  this  de- 
claration contains,  and  the  title  of  king  of 
the  French,  which  it  confers  on  me,  and  am 
ready  to  swear  to  observe  it.” 

Mr.  Dupont  de  l’Eure,  performing  the 
function  of  keeper  of  the  seals,  then  ap- 
proached his  majesty,  and  gave  him  the  form 
of  the  oath.  The  king,  standing  uncovered, 
with  his  right  hand  raised,  pronounced  slow- 
ly, and  with  a firm  voice,  the  following  oath 
which  might  be  heard  without,  the  assembly 
were  profoundly  silent. 

“ In  the  presence  of  God,  I swear  faith- 
fully to  observe  the  constitutional  charter, 
with  the  modifications  expressed  in  the  de- 
claration; to  govern  only  by  the  laws  and  ac- 


K 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


1 10 

cording  to  the  laws;  to  render  good  and 
strict  justice  to  every  one  according  to  his 
right,  and  to  act,  in  every  thing,  with  a sole 
wish  for  the  interest,  the  happiness,  and  the 
glory  of  the  French  people.” 

He  was  immediately  proclaimed  by  the 
title  of  Louis  Philip  the  First,  king  of  the 
French;  and  thus  were  all  the  laurels  which 
the  people  had  so  perilously  and  gloriously 
accumulated  in  the  struggle  of  three  days, 
thrown  at  the  feet  of  a man,  whose  family 
had  ever  been  distinguished  for  its  antipa- 
thy to  France,  to  liberty,  and  to  the  rights  of 
the  people. 

In  order  to  bias  the  citizens  in  favour  of 
the  duke  of  Orleans,  and  prepare  them  for 
his  dynasty,  it  was  carefully  trumpeted  that 
he  was  the  most  liberal  minded  man  of  the 
family;  that  in  the  preceding  revolution  he 
had  shed  his  blood*  for  liberty — that  his  fa- 
ther had  died  for  it.  That  the  interests  of 
the  nation  and  the  reconcilement  of  foreign 
powers,  required  one  of  the  Bourbons  to 

* This  is  a figure  of  speech  which  wants  no  other 
grace  of  idea  but  truth.  It  is  singular  that  the  plain 
Lafayette  should  deal  in  tropes. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  Ill 

preside  over  the  French.  These  arguments, 
if  they  deserve  the  name,  are  not  even  spe- 
cious, and  the  development  of  the  revolution 
is  not  such  as  liberal  men  would  have  wished 
it.  Had  the  duke,  when  the  crown  was  pre- 
sented to  him,  disdained  to  accept  of  it,  and 
acted  in  imitation  of  Washington,  the  world 
would  have  resounded  with  his  eulogies,  and 
proclaimed  him  the  father  of  his  country. 

A paper  was  presented  to  the  chambers  by 
Salverte,  accusing  the  ministers  of  the  ex- 
king  with  high  treason.  It  was  read,  thus: 

“ I accuse  of  high  treason  the  ex-ministers, 
who  were  authors  of  the  report  to  the  king; 
and  who  countersigned  the  ordinances  of  the 
26th  of  July.  “ Eusele  Salverte.” 

It  was  received  with  acclamations  and  re- 
ferred to  the  bureaux. 

On  Monday,  the  9th,  Louis  Philip  wras 
crowned  king  of  the  French,  without  any 
ecclesiastical  intervention.  The  regalia 
were  delivered  by  four  marshals  of  France: 
Macdonald,  duke  of  Tarento;  Mortier,  duke 
of  Treviso;  Oudinot,  duke  of  Reggio,  and 
count  Molitor. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


1 12 

The  king  then  ascended  the  throne  and 
addressed  the  assembly  as  follows: 

“ Gentlemen,  Peers  and  Deputies, — I have 
just  consummated  a great  act.  I am  deeply 
sensible  of  the  extent  of  the  duties  which  it 
imposes  upon  me.  My  conscience  tells  me 
that  I will  fulfil  them.  It  is  with  a full  con- 
viction that  I have  accepted  the  treaty  of  al- 
liance which  was  proposed  to  me. 

“ I should  greatly  have  desired  never  to 
occupy  the  throne  to  which  the  national 
wish  has  just  called  me;  but  France,  attacked 
in  her  liberties,  saw  the  public  order  in  dan- 
ger. The  violation  of  the  charter  had  shaken 
every  thing;  it  was  necessary  to  re-establish 
the  action  of  the  laws,  and  the  power  of  doing 
it  was  vested  in  the  chamber  of  deputies. 
You  have  done  it,  gentlemen;  the  modifica- 
tions which  we  have  just  made  in  the  char- 
ter, guaranty  security  for  the  future.  France 
will,  I trust,  be  happy  at  home,  respected 
abroad,  and  the  peace  of  Europe  more  firmly 
established.” 

After  this  address,  he  shook  hands  with 
the  principal  peers  and  deputies,  and  mount- 
ing his  horse,  rode  off  to  the  Palais-Royale. 

To  return  to  Charles  X.  He  and  his  suite 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  113 

left  Rambouillet  for  Cherbourg.  The  mi- 
nutes of  their  journey  are  published  in  a 
pamphlet,  entitled — “ The  Royal  Progress;” 
on  which,  as  the  subject  is  interesting  and 
curious,  we  will  draw  for  a few  particulars. 

August  4. — The  troops  of  the  guard  had 
followed  the  movement  towards  Maintenon. 
They  remained  in  this  town;  the  king  could 
only  retain  his  four  companies  of  body 
guards,  and  two  pieces  of  cannon.  At  nine 
o’clock  in  the  morning,  they  set  out  towards 
Dreux;  the  king  found  all  the  troops  of  the 
guard  drawn  up  in  order;  they  lined  the  way, 
and  offered  him  the  last  honours  which  it 
was  in  their  power  to  bestow.  The  adieu  of 
these  brave  soldiers  was  affecting;  several 
officers  were  observed  to  break  their  swords; 
they  surrounded  the  king’s  carriage,  and 
swore  never  to  serve  any  but  him.  The 
colonels  resigned  their  colours,  and  that  fine 
guard  ceased  to  exist. 

The  royal  family  frequently  alighted  from 
their  carriages;  the  king  and  the  dauphin 
mounted  on  horseback,  the  princesses  and 
the  children  went  on  foot.  That  day  the 
dauphiness,  accompanied  by  madame  de 
K 2 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


1 14 

Saint-Maure,  walked  at  least  two  leagues 
along  with  the  column,  talking  to  the  gardes 
du  corps,  and  commending  their  enthusiasm 
and  admirable  discipline;  they  also  con- 
versed with  the  country  people,  who  were 
far  from  recognising  the  daughter  of  a line 
of  kings  in  a female  simply  dressed,  covered 
with  dust,  and  who  asked  for  a glass  of 
water  to  quench  her  thirst.  In  this  manner 
the  princess  passed  through  two  villages,  in 
which  but  a few  hours  previously  trees  of 
liberty  had  been  planted. — These  objects 
must  have  excited  sorrowful  recollections; 
but  the  great  soul  of  the  heroine  of  misfor- 
tune was  not  cast  down,  and  upon  her  noble 
forehead  could  only  be  read  resignation  to 
the  decrees  of  the  Almighty.  They  arrived 
at  Mellerant,  a considerable  town:  three 
companies  of  guards  bivouacked  in  the  or- 
chards, which  would  have  been  preferable  to 
being  in  doors,  if  torrents  of  rain,  which  fell 
during  the  night,  had  not  caused  them  to 
envy  the  humblest  hut. 

The  king  lodged  at  Millerant  with  M.  de 
Laroque,  an  old  garde  du  corps.  The  house 
was  too  small  to  accommodate  all  the  royal 
family.  The  duchess  de  Berri  being  very 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  115 

inconveniently  lodged,  passed  several  hours 
at  the  bivouac  with  mademoiselle;  and  these 
two  princesses,  seated  upon  the  grass,  em- 
ployed themselves  in  making  articles  of  dress 
of  which  they  stood  in  need,  not  having  pro- 
vided themselves  with  them  on  their  hasty 
departure  from  St.  Cloud. 

They  arrived  at  St.  Lo,  after  a long  jour- 
ney, passing  by  Thorigny,  where  are  to  be 
seen  the  ruins  of  a fine  chateau,  belonging  to 
the  prince  de  Monaco.  His  majesty  went  to 
lodge  at  the  prefecture,  the  honours  of  which 
were  done  in  a manner  the  most  affecting, 
by  M.  d’Estourmel,  the  prefect,  who  had  al- 
ready bid  adieu  to  his  department.  The 
royal  family  was  commodiously  lodged  in 
this  house,  but  what  heart-rending  recollec- 
tions must  have  oppressed  the  hearts  of  the 
dauphin  and  dauphiness,  who  had  both  made 
a journey  to  Cherbourg  in  1828  and  1829. 
Then  the  crowd  filled  the  air  with  shouts  of 
joy  and  benediction;  delight  and  happiness 
were  depicted  on  the  countenances  of  all, 
and  the  white  flag  waved  every  where.  Now 
the  same  multitude,  eager  but  silent,  with 
eyes  disdainful  or  menacing,  exhibiting  an 
anxious  curiosity  which  even  great  misfor- 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


i 16 

tune  did  not  always  restrain  within  proper 
limits.  Some  cries,  (few  it  is  true,)  were 
heard,  which  strengthened  the  contrast;  but 
the  prudence  of  the  well-intentioned  inhabi- 
tants, and  of  the  authorities,  repressed  them. 
The  dauphiness  repeatedly  exclaimed,  “ Ah, 
mon  dieul  qu'elle  difference!” — Tears  started 
from  her  eyes,  which  she  presently  raised  to 
heaven. 

They  proceeded  to  Montebourg,  a consi- 
derable village  a little  distance  from  the  sea; 
the  inhabitants  were  franker,  or  they  felt 
more  attachment  to  the  royal  family,  than 
those  of  other  villages  on  the  route.  Their 
curiosity  was  kind  and  respectful;  they  sur- 
rounded the  carriage  of  the  duke  de  Bor- 
deaux, offering  up  prayers  for  his  safely,  and 
begging  to  be  permitted  to  kiss  his  hands; 
and  several  individuals  exclaimed  with  tears, 
‘We  have  been  forbidden  to  display  any 
marks  of  interest  towards  you:  but  no  mat- 
ter:— long  live  the  duke  de  Bordeaux,  and 
may  he  return  speedily.’ 

The  king,  on  his  arrival  at  Valognes, 
lodged  with  M.  Dumenildot,  a Norman  gen- 
tleman, whose  ancestors  received  king  James 
in  their  chateau  of  Quenne  Ville,  near  La 


i 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  O'F  1830.  1 17 

Hogue,  whence  that  monarch,  standing  upon 
the  top  of  a tower^  beheld  the  issue  of  a com- 
bat on  which  his  crown  depended.  It  was 
there  that,  observing  the  obstinacy  of  the 
battle,  he  exclaimed,  ‘ Comme  ils  se  battent 
bien,  mes  braves  Anglais  l' 

When  the  result  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo 
was  announced  to  the  duke  de  Berri  at  Alost, 
he  cried  with  an  air  of  interest,  ‘ Lcs  Fran - 
cais  se  sont  ils  bien  battus,  au  moinsl’  So 
powerful  in  a generous  bosom  is  the  love  of 
country. 

The  king  determined  to  rest  at  Cher- 
bourg on  the  16th.  Repose  was  necessary 
to  the  men  and  horses,  they  profited  by  the 
opportunity  to  make  those  repairs  which 
were  most  urgent  in  their  boots  and  clothes, 
for,  departing  as  they  did  in  haste  from  St. 
Cloud,  each  had  with  him  only  what  covered 
him. 

The  15th. — This  day  of  old,  so  solemn 
by  reason  of  the  vow  of  Louis  XIII. — this 
day  on  which  the  king  went  in  procession  to 
Notre  Dame  with  all  the  pomp  of  his  court, 
he  passed  shut  up  in  a little  town  in  Nor- 
mandy, abandoned  by  his  subjects,  with  only 


118 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


a small  number  of  faithful  servants  around 
him,  and  the  following  day  was  to  behold 
him  quitting  for  a third  time  the  land  of  his 
birth. 

The  companies  of  gardes-du-corps  had 
retained  their  standards.  The  king  declared 
he  would  resume  them.  All  the  officers,  and 
the  twenty-four  oldest  gardes-du-corps,  form- 
ing a squadron,  marching  four  deep,  the 
trumpeters  at  their  head,  the  four  standards 
in  the  same  line,  proceeded  in  silence,  sorrow 
depicted  on  their  countenances,  towards  the 
king’s  lodging.  That  prince  was  surround- 
ed by  the  royal  family  whose  faces  displayed 
the  liveliest  sorrow,  which,  however,  was  no 
doubt  differently  experienced.  The  king 
was  deeply  affected;  the  dauphiness  dis- 
solved in  tears;  the  dauphin  appeared  re- 
signed; the  duchess  of  Berri  was  calm,  as  if 
she  penetrated  the  future;  the  duke  de  Bor- 
deaux and  mademoiselle  were  concerned  for 
those  whom  they  regarded. 

The  king  took  the  standards,  embraced 
the  officers  who  bore  them,  and  said  with  the 
utmost  emotion,  ‘ I take  back  your  standards, 
they  are  unstained;  my  grandson  will  restore 
them  to  you.  I thank  you  for  your  devotion, 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  1 19 

for  your  fidelity,  and  your  prudence.  I shall 
never  forget  the  proofs  of  attachment  which 
you  have  exhibited  to  me  and  to  my  family. 
Adieu! — May  you  be  happy.’  He  presented 
them  his  hand  to  kiss}  the  dauphiness  and 
madame  followed  his  example;  and  this  af- 
fecting scene  was  prolonged  until  the  last 
adieu  uttered  by  the  king. 

The  chosen  gendarmerie,  a corps  as  fine 
and  well  disciplined,  as  it  is  devoted,  also 
received  the  adieus  of  the  king.  Afterwards, 
the  unattached  officers  were  admitted  to  the 
presence  of  his  majesty,  whose  heart  must 
have  been  rent  in  twain  by  emotions  so  deep 
and  long  continued. 

The  royal  family  alighted  from  their  car- 
riages, and  passing  along  a plank  covered 
with  blue  cloth,  went  aboard  the  packet  boat 
Great  Britain.  The  king  embarked  first; 
the  dauphin  took  the  duke  of  Bordeaux  by 
the  hand;  Madame  de  Gontant  conducted 
mademoiselle;  the  duchess  of  Berri  gave  her 
arm  to  M.  de  Charette,  and  the  dauphiness 
to  M.  de  Larochejaquelin. 

The  prefect  presented  to  his  majesty  cap- 
tain Dumont  Durville,  the  commander  of 


120 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  vessel.  He  told  the  king  he  would  carry 
him  wherever  he  desired.  This  he  repeated 
several  times.  The  king  said  he  wished  to 
go  first  to  Spithead — to  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
opposite  Portsmouth.  After  having  made 
the  last  adieus  to  some  officers  who  had  gone 
aboard,  the  royal  family  entered  a cabin  pre- 
pared for  them.  Aboard  the  Great  Britain 
were  the  whole  of  the  royal  family,  the  duke 
de  Luxembourg,  captain  of  the  gardes-de- 
service,  the  duke  of  Ragusa,  the  governor, 
sub-governor,  and  sub-preceptor  of  the  duke 
of  Bordeaux,  the  duchess  of  Constant,  and 
the  private  attendants  of  the  royal  family. 
In  the  Charles  Carroll , which  carried  a part 
of  the  supplies,  were  Messrs.  O’Higgerty, 
sen.  and  jun.,  Madame  de  Bouille  and  her 
son,  a sub-governor  of  the  duke  de  Bor- 
deaux, Messrs,  de  Choiseul,  de  Charette, 
and  Larochejaquelin. 

During  the  embarcation  and  preparations 
for  departure,  a crowd  of  curious  per- 
sons lined  the  mole;  they  were  orderly,  and 
no  exclamation  was  heard.  Messrs,  the 
commissioners  took  leave  of  the  king,  and 
subsequently  remained  on  the  pier  till  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  121 

vessel,  unfurling  her  sails,  got  under  weigh, 
and  cleared  the  port  towed  by  a steam-boat. 
It  was  then  a quarter  past  two.  During  this 
time,  seven  squadrons  of  gardes-du-corps 
were  drawn  up  in  order  opposite  the  ships. 
When  they  had  got  out  of  the  harbour,  the 
troops  faced  about,  entered  the  town,  passed 
through  it,  and  retired  to  Valognes.  The 
multitude,  which,  no  doubt,  had  been  hither- 
to restrained  by  the  respect  which  great  mis- 
fortune always  inspires,  and  by  the  sight  of 
an  unhappy  family  compelled  to  abandon 
its  country,  became  noisy  and  tumultuous. 
From  some  groups,  consisting  principally  of 
cabin-boys  and  youths,  of  from  twelve  to 
fourteen  years  of  age,  were  heard  shouts  of 
‘ Vive  la  liberte!’  ‘ Vive  la  charte!’  ‘Abas  la 
cocarde  blanche!’  The  inhabitants  took  no 
part  in  these  exclamations,  which  being  de- 
spised by  every  body,  called  for  no  reply.  The 
12th  and  16th  regiments  of  infantry,  in  gar- 
rison in  the  town,  were  under  orders.  The 
soldiers  were  observed  at  all  the  windows  of 
the  barrack,  which  is  in  the  interior  of  tim- 
ber-yards; only  a few  outposts  skirted  the 
route;  their  attitude  was  very  favourable' — 


L 


122 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  officers  were  extremely  polite.  These 
troops  presented  arms  to  the  gardes-du-corps, 
who  returned  the  salute.  No  doubt  orders 
had  been  given  on  the  subject,  for  it  is  im- 
possible that  the  circumstance  could  have 
been  accidental.  In  scarcely  any  of  the 
towns  through  which  we  passed  were  mili- 
tary honors  afforded  either  to  the  king  or  the 
troops  that  accompanied  him.  On  their  re- 
turn to  Valognes,  the  following  order  was 
given  to  each  garde-du-corps  on  the  part  of 
king  Charles: — 

“ ORDER  OF  THE  DAY. 

“In  quitting  the  soil  of  France,  the  king 
would  wish  to  have  it  in  his  power  to  present 
to  each  of  his  garde-du-corps,  and  to  each  of 
the  officers,  non-commissioned  officers,  and 
soldiers,  who  have  accompanied  him  to  his 
ship,  a mark  of  his  attachment  and  remem- 
brance, but  the  circumstances  that  afflict  the 
king  do  not  afford  him  the  means  of  gratify- 
ing the  wish  of  his  heart.  Destitute  of  the 
means  of  rewarding  a fidelity  so  exemplary, 
his  majesty  is  compelled  to  testify  his  re- 
gard only  by  this  tribute. 

“ The  companies  of  the  gardes-du-corps  as 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  123 

well  as  those  of  the  rank  of  general  officers, 
superior  officers,  and  others;  also  of  the  non- 
commissioned officers  and  soldiers  who  have 
followed  him:  their  names  preserved  by  the 
duke  of  Bordeaux,  shall  remain  inscribed  in 
the  archives  of  the  royal  family,  to  attest  for 
ever  the  misfortunes  of  the  king,  and  the 
consolation  which  he  has  found  in  a devotion 
so  disinterested. 

“ Charles.” 

Thence,  he  embarked  in  the  ship  Charles 
Carroll , to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  where  William 
IV.  happened  at  that  time  to  be;  and  after- 
wards he  proceeded  to  Lulworth  castle,  where 
he  took  up  his  abode. 

In  the  mean  time  Louis  Philip  neglected 
nothing  that  could  give  stability  to  his  throne 
and  recommend  him  to  the  people.  He 
projected  a law  to  relieve  the  families  of  the 
killed  and  wounded  in  the  conflict  of  July. 
M.  Guizot,  who  introduced  the  proposal, 
stated  their  numbers  to  be  more  than  900 
orphans  and  300  widows;  300  fathers  de- 
prived of  their  sons;  301  men  maimed  for 
life,  and  3961  wounded,  but  likely  to  re- 
cover. The  law  was  couched  in  the  follow- 
ing terms: 


124 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


“Art.  1.  The  widows  of  citizens  who 
perished  on  the  27th,  28th  and  29th  July, 
or  in  consequence  of  wounds  then  received, 
shall  receive  from  the  state  a pension  of  500 
francs  each,  to  commence  on  the  1st  of  Jan- 
uary, 1831. 

“Art.  2.  France  adopts  the  orphans  of 
such  citizens.  An  annual  sum  of  250  francs 
is  allowed  to  each  child  under  seven  years 
of  age;  the  child  to  be  under  the  care  of  the 
mother,  or  where  need  is,  of  some  relative  or 
friend  chosen  by  the  family.  From  seven  to 
eighteen,  these  children  shall  be  brought  up 
in  special  institutions,  where  they  shall  re- 
ceive an  education  fitted  to  their  sex  and 
enable  them  to  gain  a livelihood. 

“ Art.  3.  Parents  infirm,  or  over  60  years 
of  age,  and  in  destitute  circumstances,  who 
may  have  lost  their  children  in  those  days, 
shall  receive  an  annual  pension  of  300  francs, 
with  the  right  of  survivorship. 

“ Art.  4.  Frenchmen  wounded  during 
those  days,  so  as  to  lose  a limb  or  the  use  of 
one;  shall  either  be  admitted  among  the  in- 
valids, or  receive  at  home  a proportionate 
pension. 

“ Art.  5.  Citizens  wounded,  but  not  inca- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  125 

pacitated  for  labour,  shall  receive  an  indem- 
nity, of  which  the  amount  shall  be  deter- 
mined by  the  committee  on  national  recom- 
penses. 

“ Art.  6.  An  indemnity  shall  in  like  man- 
ner be  paid  to  citizens  who,  though  not 
wounded,  were  during  those  days  prevented 
from  attending  to  their  families.  The  in- 
demnity to  be  regulated  by  the  same  com- 
mittee. 

“ Art.  7.  Provides  that  for  the  above  ob- 
jects a credit  of  seven  millions  of  francs  be 
granted  to  the  minister  of  the  interior. 

“ Art.  8.  Those  men  shall  be  appointed  sub- 
lieutenants in  the  army,  who,  having  espe- 
cially distinguished  themselves  in  those  days, 
shall  by  a report  of  a committee  be  judged 
worthy  of  that  honour. 

“ Art.  9.  The  medal  ordered  by  the  law 
of  the  30th  August,  shall  be  distributed  to 
all  citizens  designated  by  the  committee. 

“ Art.  10..  A particular  decoration  shall 
be  granted  to  all  citizens  who  distinguished 
themselves  on  those  days.  A list  of  persons 
entitled  thereto  shall  be  made  out  by  the 
committee  and  submitted  to  the  king.  Mili- 
l 2 


126 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


tary  honour  shall  be  paid  to  it,  as  to  that  of 
the  Leg-ion  of  Honour. 

“ Paris,  9th  October. 

“ By  the  king.  “ Louis  Philip. 

“ The  minister  of  the  interior,  Guizot.” 

His  Majesty  was  singularly  attentive  to 
Lafayette  and  very  lavish  of  his  eulogies  on 
the  national  guard,  in  order  to  secure  their 
attachment  to  his  dynasty.  His  speeches 
teemed  with  an  affectation  of  sensibility  and 
tender  emotions.  The  stratagem  succeeded, 
and  the  French  people  were  thus  whined  out, 
of  the  honourable  principles  which  stimu- 
lated them  to  achieve  the  revolution.  But 
many  expressed  loud  indignation  at  the  con- 
duct of  the  deputies;  one  party  shouted  out 
for  the  duke  of  Bordeaux,  another  for  Napo- 
leon II.,  and  a third  for  a republican  form  of 
government.  Mobs  collected  in  several  parts 
to  give  vent  to  their  dissatisfaction.  Gene- 
ral Dubourg  who  had  been  first  put  at  the 
head  of  the  national  guard,  when  about  to 
deliver  something  officially  to  the  people, 
was  greeted  by  the  crowd  with  shouts  of 
“ No  king!”  “ No  Orleans!”  The  officer 
broke  off  in  his  discourse,  and  bluntly  in- 
formed them,  he  was  of  the  same  mind  with 
themselves. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


127 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Charter  of  Louis  XVIII.  m odified. — Its  present  form . 

— Special  Provisions  adopted. — Arrest  of  Polignac  and 

the  Ex-ministers. — Their  Crime. — Report  to  the  King. 

— Proposition  for  the  abolition  of  Capital  Punishments. 

General  Lafayette  delivered  in  the  cham- 
ber of  deputies  an  animated  speech  opposing; 
hereditary  peerage.  Had  he  included  here- 
ditary monarchs,  the  speech  might  deserve 
to  be  copied  into  a republican  book;  since  he 
has  not  done  so,  we  omit  it.  Every  friend  of 
equal  rights,  however,  must  rejoice  that  this 
feudal  custom  was  suppressed  in  France  most 
probably  through  the  medium  of  Lafayette, 
who  is  undoubtedly  the  most  influential  man 
in  the  kingdom. 

The  charter  underwent  such  material  mo- 
difications that  it  may  be  said  to  have  been 
remodelled.  This  great  palladium  of  the 
rights  of  the  people  was  drawn  up  by  Louis 
XVIII.;  we  insert  it  here  at  full  length,  with 
the  changes  made  by  the  deputies  on  the  7th 
of  August.  Wherever  any  article  has  been 
modified  or  annulled,  we  place  it  in  Italics , 


128 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


and  the  present  one  immediately  follows  it 
with  the  sign  gCT".  The  preamble  which  has 
been  suppressed,  as  it  is  curious,  we  give  as 
follows: 

“ PREAMBLE. 

“Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God,  king  of  France 
and  Navarre,  to  all  whom  these  presents  may 
reach. 

“ Divine  Providence  in  recalling  us  to  our 
estates  after  so  long  an  absence,  has  imposed 
on  us  most  serious  obligations.  Peace  was 
the  first  want  of  our  subjects,  and  we  have 
been  unceasingly  occupied  in  procuring  it; 
this  peace,  so  necessary  to  France  and  the 
rest  of  Europe,  has  been  signed.  A consti- 
tutional charter  is  solicited  by  the  actual 
state  of  the  kingdom;  we  have  promised, 
and  we  now  publish  it.  We  have  considered 
that,  although  the  whole  authority  in  France 
resides  in  the  person  of  the  king,  yet  our  pre- 
decessors have  not  hesitated  to  modify  its  ex- 
ercise according  to  the  changes  of  the  times; 
thus  the  commons  were  affranchised  by  Louis 
the  Fat,  and  received  extensions  of  their  rights 
from  St.  Louis,  and  Philip  the  Handsome; 
thus  was  the  judiciary  established,  and  deve- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  129 

loped  by  the  laws  of  Louis  XI.  Henry  III. 
and  Charles  IX.;  thus  finally  did  Louis  XIV. 
regulate  nearly  every  branch  of  the  public 
administration,  by  various  ordinances  which 
for  wisdom,  have  not  hitherto  been  sur- 
passed. 

“Like  our  predecessors,  we  have  appreci- 
ated the  effects  of  the  increasing  progress  of 
knowledge,  of  the  new  relations  thus  intro- 
duced into  society,  of  the  direction  given  to 
mind  for  the  last  half  century,  and  of  the  im- 
portant alterations  which  have  been  the  re- 
sult. We  recognise  the  expression  of  a real 
want,  in  the  wishes  of  our  subjects  for  a con- 
stitutional charter;  but  in  yielding  to  these 
v/ishes,  we  have  taken  every  precaution  to 
render  such  charter  worthy  of  ourselves,  and 
of  the  people  over  whom  we  are  proud  of 
being  placed.  Men  of  wisdom  chosen  from 
among  the  principal  bodies  of  the  state,  have 
been  united  with  our  own  commissioners  in 
the  labour  of  preparing  this  important  docu- 
ment. 

“ While  we  thus  acknowledge  that  a libe- 
ral and  constitutional  monarchy  is  required 
by  the  present  enlightened  state  of  Europe, 
tve  still  bear  in  mind,  that  our  first  duty  to 


130 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


our  people,  is  to  preserve  for  their  own  in-!  rf 
terests,  the  rights  and  prerogatives  of  our  fo 
crown.  Our  hope  is,  that  instructed  by  ex-  an 
perience,  they  will  be  convinced  that  the  su-  lit 
preme  authority  can  alone  give  to  the  insti-  ' 
tutions  which  it  establishes,  the  strength,  the 
permanence,  and  the  majesty  with  which  it-  ! 
self  is  clothed ; and  that  when  the  wisdom  of 
the  king,  thus  accords  freely  with  the  wishes  ! 
of  the  people,  a constitutional  charter  may  i 
be  of  long  endurance;  but  that  when  conces-  I 
sions  are  extorted  by  violence, from  the  weak- 
ness of  the  government,  the  public  liberties 
are  as  much  endangered  as  the  throne  itself. 
We  have  sought  for  the  principles  of  a con- 
stitutional charter,  in  the  character  of  the 
French  and  in  the  venerable  monuments  of 
past  ages.  In  the  renewal  of  the  peerage  for 
example,  we  have  in  view  a truly  national 
institution,  which  should  unite  the  recollec- 
tions of  the  past,  with  the  hopes  of  the  future, 
and  thus  bring  ancient  and  modern  times 
more  nearly  together. 

“ We  have  replaced,  by  the  chamber  of  de- 
puties, those  old  assemblies,  of  the  Champ 
de  Mars,  and  the  Champ  de  Mai,  and  those 
chambers  of  the  Tiers-Etat,  which  have  so 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


131 


in- 

>ur 

:x- 

su- 

4 

llie 

it- 

of 


often  given  at  the  same  time,  proofs  of  zeal 
for  the  interests  of  the  people,  and  of  fidelity 
and  respect,  for  the  authority  of  the  king. 
In  endeavouring  thus  to  renew  the  link  which 
has  been  so  fatally  broken,  we  have  effaced 
from  our  memory,  as  we  could  wish  them 
effaced  from  the  pages  of  history,  all  the 
evils  which  have  afflicted  the  country  during 
our  absence.  Happy  at  finding  ourselves 
again  in  the  bosom  of  the  great  family,  we 
have  no  other  means  of  reply  to  the  numer- 
ous testimonies  of  affection  which  we  receive, 
than  in  pronouncing  the  words  of  peace  and 
consolation.  The  wish  most  near  to  our 
heart  is,  that  the  French  may  hereafter  live 
like  brethren,  and  that  no  bitter  reflections 
may  ever  again  trouble  that  security  which 
should  ensue  from  the  solemn  Act  which  we 
this  day  accord. 

“ Certain  of  our  own  intentions,  and  con- 
scientiously persuaded  of  their  propriety,  we 
engage  ourselves  before  this  assembly,  to  be 
faitnful  to  this  constitutional  charter;  reserv- 
ing to  ourselves  the  right  of  swearing  so- 
lemnly to  maintain  it,  before  the  altar  of 
Him  who  weighs  in  the  same  balance,  both 
kings  and  nations. 


132 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


“ For  which  reasons,  we  have  voluntarily,, 
and  by  the  free  exercise  of  our  royal  authori- 
ty granted,  and  do  grant,  concede,  and  octroie, 
to  our  subjects,  as  well  for  ourselves  as  for 
our  successors,  and  for  ever,  the  following 

“ CONSTITUTIONAL  CHARTER. 

“ PUBLIC  RIGHTS  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

“Art.  1.  All  Frenchmen  are  equal  before 
the  law,  whatever  otherwise  be  their  rank  or 
title. 

“ 2.  They  contribute,  without  distinction, 
in  proportion  to  their  fortune,  to  the  support 
of  the  public  expenses. 

“ 3.  They  are  all  alike  admissible  to  civil 
and  military  employments. 

“ 4.  Individual  liberty  is  equally  guaran- 
tied to  all : no  one  can  be  either  pursued  or 
arrested,  except  in  cases  provided  for  by  the 
law,  and  in  the  forms  in  which  it  prescribes. 

“ 5.  Every  one  is  at  liberty  to  profess  his 
own  religion;  and  the  same  protection  is  as- 
sured to  each  form  of  worship. 

“ 6.  Nevertheless , the  Catholic , Apostolical 
and  Roman  religion , is  the  religion  of  the  State. 

“ 7.  Ministers  of  the  Catholic , Apostolical 
and  Roman  religion , and  that  of  other  Chris- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


133 


! tian  denominations , alone  receive  salaries  from 

I the  Royal  Treasury. 

“ ICP  Ministers  of  the  Catholic,  Apostoli- 
cal and  Roman  religion,  and  those  of  other 
i!  Christian  denominations,  alone  receive  sala- 
ries from  the  royal  treasury. 

“ 8.  Frenchmen  have  the  right  to  publish  and 
print  their  opinions , so  that  they  conform  to  the 
laws  for  regulating  the  abuse  of  this  liberty. 

Frenchmen  have  the  right  of  pub- 
lishing and  printing  their  opinions,  so  that 
they  conform  to  the  laws.  The  censorship 
can  never  be  re-established. 

“9.  All  property  is  inviolable,  without  any 
exception  of  that  called  national , the  law  not 
acknowledging  any  distinction  between  them. 

“ 10.  The  state  may  exact  the  sacrifice  of 
any  particular  piece  of  property,  if  the  pub- 
lic interest  duly  established  shall  require  it; 
but  only  on  a previous  indemnification. 

“11.  All  scrutiny  as  to  votes  or  opinions 
uttered  previous  to  the  restoration,  is  forbid- 
den. A like  oblivion  is  prescribed  both  to 
tribunals  and  citizens. 

“ 12.  The  conscription  is  abolished;  the 
mode  of  recruiting  the  sea  and  land  forces  is 
determined  by  law. 


M 


134 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


u form  of  the  king’s  GOVERNMENT. 

“ 13.  The  person  of  the  king  is  inviolable 
and  sacred.  His  ministers  are  responsible. 
To  the  king  alone  belongs  the  executive 
power. 

“ 14.  The  king  is  the  supreme  head  of  the 
state— commands  the  army  and  navy — declares 
war — makes  treaties  of  peace,  alliance  and  com- 
merce— appoints  to  office — and  makes  the  rules 
and  ordinances  necessary  for  the  execution  of 
the  laws  and  the  safety  of  the  state. 

“iC73>  The  king  is  the  supreme  head  of  the 
state — commands  the  army  and  navy — de- 
clares war' — makes  treaties  of  peace,  alliance 
and  commerce — appoints  to  all  the  offices  of 
public  administration — and  makes  all  the  re- 
gulations and  ordinances  necessary  for  the 
execution  of  the  laws;  without  having  the 
power  to  suspend  the  laws  themselves,  or 
dispense  with  their  execution.  No  foreign 
troops  can  ever  be  admitted  into  the  service 
of  the  state,  without  an  express  law. 

“ 15.  The  legislative  power  is  vested  col- 
lectively in  the  king,  the  house  of  peers,  and 
the  house  of  deputies  of  departments. 

“ 16.  The  king  proposes  all  laws. 

“ 17.  The  proposal  of  a law  is  made  at  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  135 

pleasure  of  the  king,  to  the-  house  of  peers , or 
that  of  deputies,  except  laws  for  laying  and  col- 
lecting taxes,  which  must  be  first  addressed  to 
the  house  of  deputies. 

“ IC7”  The  proposition  of  all  laws  belongs 
to  the  king,  the  chamber  of  peers,  and  the 
chamber  of  deputies.  Nevertheless,  all  laws 
on  taxes,  must  first  be  voted  by  the  chamber 
of  deputies. 

“ 18.  Every  law  is  to  be  freely  discussed 
and  voted  by  a majority  of  each  chamber. 

“ 19.  The  chambers  have  the  faculty  of  sup- 
plicating the  king  to  propose  laws  upon  any 
given  subject,  and  to  point  out  what  it  appears 
to  them  fitting,  that  such  laws  should  contain. 

“ 20.  Such  a request  may  be  made  by  either 
of  the  chambers,  after  having  been  discussed  in 
secret  committee:  it  can  only  be  sent  to  the 
other  chamber  by  that  proposing  it,  after  an  in- 
terval of  ten  days. 

“21.  If  the  proposition  is  adopted  by  the 
other  chamber, it  shall  be  submitted  to  the  king: 
if  it  is  rejected,  it  cannot  be  reproduced  in  the 
same  session. 

“ 22.  The  king  alone  sanctions  and  pro- 
mulgates the  laws. 

“ 23,  The  civil  list  is  fixed  for  the  whole 


136 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


reign  by  the  first  legislature  assembled  after 
the  accession  of  the  king. 

“ OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  TEERS. 

“ 24.  The  house  of  peers  is  an  essential 
part  of  the  legislative  power. 

“25.  It  is  convened  by  the  king  at  the  same 
time  with  the  house  of  deputies.  The  session 
of  each  begins  and  finishes  at  the  same  time. 

“26.  Any  meeting  of  the  house  of  peers  held 
at  anytime  when  the  deputies  are  notin  session , 
or  which  should  not  he  ordered  by  the  king , is 
unlawful  and  void. 

“ | O'3  Any  assembly  of  the  chamber  of 
peers,  which  should  be  held  at  a time  which 
is  not  that  of  the  session  of  the  chamber  of 
deputies,  is  illicit  and  nullj  except  in  the 
single  case,  in  which  it  is  assembled  as  a 
court  of  justice,  and  then  it  can  only  exercise 
judicial  functions. 

“ 27.  The  nomination  of  peers  of  France 
belongs  to  the  king.  Their  number  is  unli- 
mited. He  may  vary  their  dignities,  name 
them  for  life,  or  make  them  hereditary  ac- 
cording to  his  pleasure. 

“ 28.  Peers  are  entitled  to  their  seats  at 
twenty-five,  but  cannot  vote  before  thirty. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  137 

“ 29.  The  house  of  peers  has  for  presiding 
officer  the  Chancellor  of  France,  and  in  his 
absence,  some  peer  named  by  the  king. 

30.  The  members  of  the  royal  family  and 
princes  of  the  blood , are  peers  in  right  of  their 
birth.  They  take  rank  immediately  after  the 
President,  but  have  no  vote  till  twenty-five. 

“ %CT°  The  princes  of  the  blood  are  peers 
by  right  of  birth;  they  take  their  seats  im- 
mediately after  the  president. 

“31.  The  princes  can  only  take  their  seats 
by  an  order  of  the  king,  expressed  at  each  ses- 
sion by  a message,  under  pain  of  nullity  to 
every  thing  transacted  during  their  presence. 

“ 32.  The  deliberations  of  the  peers  are  all 
secret. 

“ | CT'  The  sittings  of  the  chamber  of  peers 
are  public,  like  those  of  the  chamber  of  de- 
puties. 

“ 33.  The  house  of  peers  takes  cognizance  of 
the  crime  of  high  treason  arid  attempts  against 
the  safety  of  the  State,  as  they  shall  be  defined 
by  laiv. 

“ | CT“  The  chamber  of  peers  takes  cogni- 
zance of  crimes  against  the  safety  of  the  state, 
and  of  high  treason,  which  shall  be  defined  by 
law. 


138 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


“ 34.  No  peer  can  be  arrested  except  by  the 
authority  of  the  house,  and  it  judges  its  mem- 
bers in  all  criminal  matters. 

“ OF  THE  CHAMBER  OF  DEPUTIES  OF  DEPART- 
MENTS. 

“ 35.  The  chamber  shall  be  composed  of 
deputies  elected  by  the  electoral  colleges. 
The  organization  of  them  shall  he  deter- 
mined by  law. 

“ 36.  Each  department  shall  have  the  same 
number  of  deputies  it  has  had  till  now.* 

“ 37.  The  deputies  shall  be  elected  for  five 
years , and  in  such  manner  that  the  chamber 
shall  be  renewed  by  one-fifth  annually. 

“38.  No  one  can  be  admitted  as  a deputy , 
who  is  not  forty  years  old , and  does  not  pay  a 
direct  tax  of  one  thousand  francs. 

“I CT"  No  deputy  can  be  admitted  into  the 
chamber,  unless  he  is  thirty  years  of  age,  and 

* The  chamber  thus  constituted  had  two  hundred 
and  fifty-eight  members;  but  in  1820  a law  was  passed, 
increasing  the  number  to  430.  By  this  law,  article  37 
was  also  rendered  void,  as  the  elections  from  all  the  de- 
partments, were  ordered  to  take  place  at  the  same  time, 
and  the  period  for  which  the  deputies  were  chosen  was 
increased  to  seven  years. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  139 

unless  he  possesses  the  other  qualification 
prescribed  by  law. 

“ 39.  In  case , however,  that  there  should  not 
be  in  a department  fifty  persons  of  the  requisite 
age,  and  paying  the  prescribed  tax,  that  num- 
ber shall  be  made  up  out  of  those  paying  the 
nearest  to  one  thousand  francs,  and  the  person 
thus  selected  shall  be  (dike  eligible  with  the 
others. 

“ 40.  Electors  of  deputies  must  pay  a direct 
tax  of  three  hundred  francs,  and  have  attained 
thirty  years  of  age. 

CT°  No  one  is  an  elector  if  he  is  under 
twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  if  he  does  not 
possess  the  other  qualifications  prescribed  by 
law. 

“41.  Presidents  of  electoral  colleges  are  named 
by  the  king,  and  become,  of  right,  members  of 
the  colleges. 

“ IdP  The  presidents  of  the  electoral  col- 
leges, are  nominated  by  the  electors. 

“ 42.  One  half,  at  least,  of  the  deputies,  must 
be  chosen  from  among  those  whose  political 
domicile  is  in  the  department. 

“ 43.  The  president  of  the  chamber  of  depu- 
ties is  designated  by  the  king  from  a list  of five 
members  presented  by  the  chamber. 


140 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


“ICT*  The  president  of  the  chamber  of  de- 
puties is  elected  by  the  chamber.  He  is 
elected  for  the  whole  duration  of  the  legis- 
lature. 

“ 44.  The  sessions  of  the  chamber  are  pub- 
lic, but  upon  the  demand  of  five  members,  the 
doors  may  be  closed. 

“ 45.  The  chamber  will  divide  itself  into 
committees  ( bureaux ) to  discuss  the  projects 
of  laws  presented  by  the  king. 

“ 46.  No  amendment  can  be  made  to  a law , 
unless  proposed  or  consented  to  by  the  king , nor 
until  it  has  been  referred  and  discussed  in  com- 
mittees. 

“47.  The  chamber  of  deputies  receives  all 
propositions  respecting  taxes;  and  it  is  only 
when  such  propositions  have  been  adopted  by 
the  chamber , that  they  can  be  sent  to  the  peers. 

“ 48.  No  tax  can  be  imposed  nor  collected, 
unless  consented  to  by  the  chambers,  and 
sanctioned  by  the  king. 

“ 49.  The  land  tax  is  only  voted  for  one 
year;  the  indirect  taxes  may  be  voted  for  se- 
veral years. 

“ 50.  The  king  convenes  the  two  chambers 
every  year;  he  prorogues  them,  and  may  dis- 
solve the  chamber  of  deputies;  but,  in  this 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  141 

case,  he  must  convene  a new  one  in  the  space 
of  three  months. 

“51.  No  member  can  be  imprisoned  dur- 
ing the  session, nor  during  the  six  weeks  pre- 
ceding and  following  it. 

“ 52.  No  member  can,  during  the  session, 
be  prosecuted,  nor  arrested  on  any  criminal 
charge,  except  when  taken  flagrante  delictu , 
without  the  permission  of  the  chamber. 

“ 53.  Petitions  to  either  house  can  only  be 
made  and  presented  in  writing;  the  law  for- 
bids any  one  from  bringing  a petition  in  per- 
son to  the  bar. 

“ OF  MINISTERS. 

“ 54.  Ministers  may  be  members  of  either 
house;  they  have,  moreover,  the  right  of  en- 
try to  each  house,  and  are  to  be  heard  when 
they  require. 

“ 55.  The  chamber  of  deputies  has  the 
right  of  accusing  ministers,  and  of  arraign- 
ing them  before  the  house  of  peers,  who 
alone  have  the  right  of  judging  them. 

“ 56.  They  can  alone  he  accused  of  treason  or 
peculation.  Special  laws  will  particularize  the 
nature  of  these  offences , and  will  determine  how 
they  are  to  be  prosecuted. 


142 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


“of  THE  JUDICIARY. 

“ 57.  All  justice  is  derived  from  the  king, 
and  is  administered  in  his  name,  by  judges 
■whom  he  appoints. 

“ 58.  The  judges  appointed  by  the  king 
are  not  removable. 

“ 59.  The  courts  and  ordinary  tribunals 
now  existing  are  maintained.  Nothing  shall 
be  changed  with  respect  to  them  but  by  vir- 
tue of  a law. 

“ 60.  The  existing  institution  of  judges  of 
commerce  is  preserved. 

“61.  That  of  justices  of  the  peace,  is  in 
like  manner  preserved.  Justices  of  the  peace, 
though  appointed  by  the  king,  may  be  re- 
moved. 

“ 62.  No  one  can  be  withdrawn  from  his 
natural  judges. 

“ 63.  Consequently  no  commissioners  nor  ex- 
traordinary tribunals  can  be  created.  Prevotal 
courts , if  their  re-establishment  is  deemed  neces- 
sary, are  not  included  in  this  prohibition. 

“ IdpNo  extraordinary  commissioners  can 
be  created  under  any  denomination  whatever. 

“ 64.  The  discussions  in  criminal  proceed- 
ings shall  be  public,  except  when  such  pub- 
licity may  be  dangerous  to  order  and  good 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  143 

morals;  in  which  case  the  court  shall  so  pro- 
nounce. 

“ 65.  The  institution  of  the  jury  is  pre- 
served. Such  changes  as  experience  may 
suggest  can  only  be  made  in  virtue  of  a law. 

“ 66.  The  confiscation  of  property  as  a pu- 
nishment is  abolished,  and  cannot  be  re-esta- 
blished. 

“67.  The  king  has  the  right  to  pardon, 
and  to  commute  punishments. 

“ 68.  The  civil  code  and  laws  now  in  use, 
which  are  not  contrary  to  the  present  char- 
ter, shall  remain  in  force  until  legally  altered 
or  repealed. 

“ PRIVATE  RIGHTS  GUARANTIED  BY  THE  STATE. 

“ 69.  The  military  in  actual  service,  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  on  half  pay,  officers’  widows 
and  soldiers  pensioned,  shall  preserve  their 
grades,  honours,  and  pensions. 

“70.  The  public  debt  is  guarantied.  Every 
engagement  of  the  state  with  its  creditors  is 
inviolable. 

“71.  The  old  nobility  resumes  its  titles, 
the  new  preserves  its.  The  king  creates  no- 
bles at  pleasure;  but  he  only  grants  them 
rank  and  honour,  without  any  exemption 


144 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


from  the  burdens  or  duties  as  members  of 
society. 

“ 72.  The  legion  of  honour  is  preserved. 
The  king  will  determine  its  regulations  and 
decorations. 

“73.  The  colonies  shall  be  governed  by 
special  laws  and  regulations. 

“74.  The  king  and  his  successors  shall  swear 
in  the  solemnity  of  their  consecration,  faithfully 
to  observe  the  -present  constitutional  charter. 

“ | CP  The  king  and  his  successors  shall 
swear,  at  their  accession,  to  observe  faithfully 
the  present  constitutional  charter. 

“ | dT  The  present  charter,  and  the  rights 
it  consecrates,  shall  be  entrusted  to  the  pa- 
triotism and  courage  of  the  national  guards, 
and  of  all  the  citizens. 

“ gCT”  France  resumes  her  colours.  In  fu- 
ture, no  other  cockade  but  the  tricoloured 
shall  be  worn. 

“ gCT3  All  anterior  laws  and  ordinances,  so 
far  as  they  are  contrary  to  the  reform  of  the 
charter,  are  null  and  void.” 

Thus  have  we  given  an  accurate  tran- 
script of  the  French  charter  as  it  originally 
was,  and  with  its  present  modifications. 
Whether  the  object  of  the  latter  be  liberty, 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  145 

licentiousness  or  the  promotion  of  self  inte- 
rest on  the  part  of  the  modifiers  we  leave  it 
to  the  reader  to  judge,  and  to  futurity  to  de- 
cide. 

On  the  same  day  the  following  special  pro- 
visions were  adopted: 

“ I.  All  the  creations  of  peers  during  the 
reign  of  Charles  Tenth,  are  declared  null  and 
void. 

“ II.  Article  27th  of  the  charter  shall  be 
the  subject  of  a fresh  examination  in  the  ses- 
sion of  1831. 

“ III.  The  chamber  of  deputies  declares, 
finally,  that  it  is  necessary  to  provide,  by  suc- 
cessive and  separate  laws,  and  with  the  short- 
est delay  possible, — 1st.  For  the  extension  of 
the  trial  by  jury  for  misdemeanors,  particu- 
larly those  of  the  press,  and  for  political  of- 
fences. 2d.  For  the  responsibility  of  mini- 
sters and  secondary  agents  of  government. 
3d.  For  re-election  in  case  of  deputies  ap- 
pointed to  public  functions.  4th.  For  the 
annual  voting  of  the  army  estimates.  5th. 
For  the  organization  of  the  national  guards, 
and  for  their  electing  their  own  officers.  6th. 
For  a military  code,  insuring  in  a legal  man- 
ner the  situation  of  officers  of  all  ranks.  7th. 


N 


146 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


For  the  departmental  and  municipal  admini- 
strations, with  the  intervention  of  the  citi- 
zens in  their  nominations.  8lh.  For  public 
instruction  and  the  freedom  of  tuition.  9th. 
For  the  abolition  of  the  double  vote,  and  for 
fixing  the  qualifications  for  electors  and  de- 
puties.” 

Some  time  posterior  to  this  the  ex-mini- 
sters were  arrested  in  trying  to  make  their 
escape,  and  lodged  in  the  prison,  or  as  it  is 
called,  the  Chateau  of  Vincennes.  Polig- 
nac  was  seized  while  travelling  in  the  suite 
of  a lady,  who  took  out  a passport  for  herself 
and  a domestic.  Polignac  personated  the 
character  of  the  domestic,  but  his  awkward 
representation  of  it,  gave  birth  to  the  suspi- 
cion, on  which  he  was  arrested.  An  imme- 
diate confession  on  his  part,  cut  short  fur- 
ther investigation,  and  he  was  escorted  to  the 
capital  to  be  incarcerated  with  his  fellow  mi- 
nisters. Their  principal  crime  consisted  in 
having  signed  their  names  to  the  following 
report  to  the  king! 

“ Sire — 

“ Your  ministers  would  be  unworthy  of 
the  confidence  with  which  your  Majesty 
honours  them,  if  they  delayed  any  longer  in 
laying  before  your  eyes  a view  of  our  intft; 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  147 

rior  situation,  and  in  pointing  out  to  your 
high  wisdom  the  dangers  of  the  periodical 
press. 

“At  no  period  within  these  fifteen  years,  has 
this  situation  been  more  serious  and  afflict- 
ing. Notwithstanding  a course  of  prosperi- 
ty, unparalleled  in  our  annals,  signs  of  disor- 
ganization and  symptoms  of  anarchy  are  de- 
veloping themselves  in  every  part  of  the 
kingdom. 

“ The  successive  causes  that  have  concurred 
to  paralyse  the  resources  of  monarchical  go- 
vernment, are  now  tending  to  modify  and 
change  its  nature:  deprived  of  its  moral 
force,  authority,  whether  in  the  capital  or  in 
the  departments,  never  struggles  against 
factions  but  with  disadvantage;  pernicious 
and  subversive  doctrines,  loudly  professed, 
are  spreading  and  propagating  themselves 
through  every  class  of  society;  disturbances 
too  generally  diffused,  agitate  and  torment 
the  minds  of  the  people.  On  every  side,  they 
demand  for  the  present,  pledges  of  security 
for  the  future. 

“ An  active,  ardent  and  indefatigable,  but 
malicious  vigilance,  exerts  itself  to  raze  every 
foundation  of  order,  and  to  wrest  from  France 


148 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  happiness  she  enjoys  under  the  sceptre  of 
her  kings.  Skilled  in  engendering  discon- 
tents, and  exciting  animosities,  it  foments, 
among  the  people,  a spirit  of  defiance  and 
hostility  towards  the  government,  and  scat- 
ters the  seeds  of  dissention  and  civil  war. 

“ And  already,  Sire,  recent  events  have 
proved  that  the  political  passions  entertain- 
ed by  the  higher  branches  of  society  begin 
to  disseminate  themselves  through  the  lower, 
and  to  affect  the  mass  of  the  people.  They 
have  also  proved  that  this  popular  excite- 
ment would  not  be  always  without  danger, 
even  to  the  men  who  are  striving  to  snatch 
the  people  from  the  bosom  of  peace. 

“ A multitude  of  facts,  collected  in  the 
course  of  electoral  operations,  confirm  this 
position,  and  would  afford  us  a too  certain 
presage  of  new  commotions,  were  it  not  in 
the  power  of  your  majesty  to  avert  the  evil. 

“There  exists  every  where,  if  attentively 
observed,  a want  of  order,  of  power  and  of 
permanence;  and  the  agitations  which  ap- 
pear the  most  contrary  to  it,  are  in  reality 
only  the  expression  and  testimony  of  it. 

“ It  is  necessary  to  observe  this  well:  these 
agitations  which  cannot  be  increased  with- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  149 

out  great  danger,  are  almost  exclusively  pro- 
duced and  excited  by  the  liberty  of  the  press. 
A law  of  the  elections,  not  less  fruitful  in  dis- 
orders, has  without  doubt  concurred  in  pro- 
ducing them:  But  it  would  be  denying  evi- 
dence not  to  see  that  the  Journals  are  the 
hot-beds  of  a corruption  whose  progress  is 
daily  more  sensible,  and  the  primary  source 
of  the  calamities  which  threaten  the  king- 
dom. 

“ Experience,  Sire,  speaks  more  authorita- 
tively than  theory.  Some  enlightened  men, 
whose  fidelity  otherwise  cannot  be  suspected, 
led  by  the  bad  example  of  a neighbouring 
country,  have  believed  that  the  benefits  de- 
rived from  the  periodical  press  would  coun- 
terbalance its  disadvantages,  and  that  its  ex- 
cesses would  be  neutralized  by  contrary  ex- 
cesses. But  the  event  has  not  verified  the 
hypothesis,  the  proof  is  decisive,  and  the 
question  is  now  determined  in  the  public 
mind. 

“ The  periodical  press  has  never  been  so; 
it  is  not  in  the  nature  of  an  instrument  of  se- 
dition and  disorder  to  be  so. 

“ What  numerous  and  irrefragable  proofs 
militate  in  the  establishment  of  this  truth! 

N 2 


150 


HISTORY  OK  THE 


It  is  on  the  principle  of  the  violent  and  unin- 
terrupted action  of  the  press,  that  the  too 
sudden  and  frequent  variations  of  our  inte- 
rior politics  may  be  explained.  It  has  not 
permitted  the  establishment  of  a regular  and 
permanent  form  of  government,  nor  has  it 
suffered  to  be  introduced  into  the  branches 
of  public  administration,  the  meliorations  of 
which  they  are  susceptible.  All  the  minis- 
ters from  1814,  although  created  under  dif- 
ferent influences,  and  often  directly  opposed 
to  each  other,  have  still  had  in  view  the  same 
track,  the  same  attacks,  and  the  same  object 
of  unbridling  the  passions.  Sacrifices  of 
every  kind,  concessions  of  power,  formations 
of  party,  nothing  has  been  able  to  divert 
them  from  this  common  object. 

“ This  reproach  alone,  so  fertile  in  reflec- 
tions, should  suffice  to  assign  to  the  press  its 
true,  its  invariable  character.  It  exerts  it- 
self with  persevering  efforts,  every  day  re- 
peated, to  unbind  the  ties  of  obedience  and 
subordination,  to  abuse  the  resources  of  pub- 
lic authority,  to  prostrate  it,  to  revile  it  in 
the  opinion  of  the  people,  and  to  create  for 
it,  in  every  quarter,  resistance  and  embar- 
rassments. 


TRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  151 

“ Its  art  consists  not  in  substituting  for  a 
too  easy  submission  of  mind,  a wise  freedom 
of  examination,  but  in  reducing  to  a problem, 
the  most  positive  truths;  not  to  provoke  a 
frank  and  useful  controversy  on  political 
questions,  but  to  exhibit  them  in  a false 
light,  and  resolve  them  by  sophisms. 

“ The  press  has  thus  cast  disorder  into  the 
most  correct  intelligences,  shaken  the  firm- 
est convictions,  and  kindled  in  the  bosom  of 
society,  a confusion  of  principles  which  en- 
courages the  most  dangerous  attempts.  Its 
anarchy  of  doctrines,  is  but  a prelude  to 
anarchy  in  the  state. 

“ It  is  worthy  of  remark,  Sire,  that  the  pe- 
riodical press  has  not  even  fulfilled  its  most 
essential  condition,  that  of  publicity.  What 
is  strange,  but  at  the  same  time  true,  is,  that 
there  is  no  such  thing  as  publicity  in  France, 
when  this  word  is  taken  in  its  most  just  and 
rigorous  acceptation.  In  its  representation 
of  the  state  of  things,  articles,  when  they 
are  not  entirely  false,  never  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  readers,  unless  garbled,  disfi- 
gured, and  mutilated  in  the  most  odious 
manner.  A thick  cloud,  raised  by  the  jour- 
nals, obscures  the  truth  and  intercepts  the 


152 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


light  between  the  government  and  the  peo- 
ple. 

“ The  kings,  your  predecessors,  Sire,  have 
always  loved  to  communicate  with  their  sub- 
jects; it  is  a satisfaction  that  the  press  has 
not  wished  your  Majesty  to  enjoy. 

“ Its  unbounded  licentiousness  pays  no 
respect,  even  on  the  most  solemn  occasions, 
either  to  the  express  will  of  the  king,  or  to 
the  orders  emanating  from  the  throne.  The 
one  is  misrepresented  and  denaturalized,  the 
other  is  the  object  of  perfidious  commenta- 
ries, or  pungent  derision.  Thus  the  last  act 
of  royal  power,  the  proclamation,  was  dis- 
credited by  the  public,  even  before  it  was 
known  to  the  electors. 

“ This  is  not  all.  The  press  aims  at  no 
less  than  the  subjugation  of  sovereignty, 
and  the  invasion  of  the  powers  of  the  state. 
A pretended  organ  of  public  opinion,  it  as- 
pires to  direct  the  debates  of  the  two  cham- 
bers, and  it  is  incontestable  that  it  carries 
thdre  a weight  of  influence,  no  less  baneful 
than  decisive.  This  domination  has  as- 
sumed, particularly  in  the  last  two  or  three 
years,  a manifest  character  of  oppression  and 
tyranny.  In  this  interval  of  time,  the  jour- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  15S 

nals  persecuted  with  insult  and  outrage,  the 
members  whose  votes  appeared  to  them  un- 
certain or  suspected.  Too  often,  Sire,  the  de- 
liberations in  this  chamber  have  yielded  to 
the  redoubled  attacks  of  the  press. 

“We  cannot  mention  in  less  severe  terms, 
the  conduct  of  the  journals  on  the  opposition 
in  more  recent  circumstances.  After  having 
themselves  provoked  an  address  derogatory 
to  the  prerogatives  of  the  throne,  they  did 
not  hesitate  to  promote  the  re-election  of 
221  deputies — which  proceeding  was  the 
consequence  of  their  address.  Your  Majesty 
repulsed  this  address  as  offensive;  you  bore 
public  blame  for  refusing  to  concur  in  the 
sentiments  therein  expressed;  you  announced 
your  immutable  resolution  to  defend  the 
rights  of  your  crown,  so  manifestly  compro- 
mised. The  public  papers  laid  no  stress  on 
your  determination;  on  the  contrary,  they 
exerted  themselves  to  renew,  to  perpetuate, 
and  to  aggravate  the  offence.  Your  Majesty 
will  decide  whether  this  last  attack  is  to  re- 
main long  unpunished. 

“ But  of  all  the  excesses  of  the  press,  the 
most  serious  perhaps  remains  for  us  to  spe- 
cify, From  the  first  moment  of  the  expedi- 


154 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


tion,  the  glory  of  which  reflects  so  pure  and 
so  durable  a lustre  on  the  noble  crown  of 
France,  the  press  criticised  with  unprece- 
dented severity,  its  causes,  its  objects,  its 
means,  its  preparatives,  its  chances  of  suc- 
cess. Insensible  to  national  honour,  it  was 
not  their  fault  that  our  banner  was  not  tar- 
nished by  the  barbarian.  Indifferent  to  the 
great  interests  of  humanity,  it  was  not  their 
fault  that  Europe  did  not  remain  subject  to 
an  oppressive  vassalage  and  dishonouring 
tribute. 

“ Nor  was  this  enough:  by  a species  of 
treason,  of  which  our  laws  could  have  taken 
cognizance,  the  press  sedulously  published 
all  the  secrets  of  the  expedition,  conveyed  to 
the  enemy  the  knowledge  of  the  state  of  our 
forces,  the  number  of  our  troops,  that  of  our 
vessels,  the  indication  of  our  points  of  sta- 
tion, the  means  to  be  employed  to  contravene 
the  variableness  of  the  winds,  and  to  get  on 
shore.  Every  thing,  even  the  spot  of  their 
disembarkment  was  divulged,  as  if  for  the 
purpose  of  instructing  the  enemy  to  make  a 
more  certain  defence.  And  what  is  without 
a parallel  among  a civilized  people,  the  press, 
by  giving  false  and  alarming  accounts  of  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  155 

dangers  to  be  encountered,  has  not  scrupled 
to  damp  the  courage  of  the  army,  and  direct- 
ing its  hatred  against  the  very  commander 
of  the  enterprise,  it  has,  to  use  the  expression, 
excited  the  soldiers  to  raise  against  him  the 
standard  of  revolt,  or  to  desert  their  colours. 
Such  are  the  daring  deeds  of  the  organs  of 
a party  that  pretends  to  be  national. 

“ Every  day,  in  the  interior  of  the  king- 
dom, it  dares  no  less  than  to  disturb  the  ele- 
ments of  public  peace,  to  dissolve  the  links 
of  society,  and  to  speak  plainly,  to  make  the 
earth  tremble  under  our  feet.  Let  us  not  be 
afraid  to  reveal  here  the  whole  extent  of  our 
evils,  in  order  to  appreciate  more  justly  the 
extent  of  our  resources.  A systematic  defa- 
mation, organized  on  a large  scale  and  di- 
rected with  an  unprecedented  perseverance, 
persecutes  far  and  near,  even  the  humblest 
agents  of  power.  No  one  of  your  subjects, 
Sire,  is  shielded  from  outrage,  if  he  receive 
from  his  sovereign  the  slightest  mark  of  con- 
fidence, or  of  satisfaction.  A vast  net,  spread 
over  France,  enmeshes  all  the  public  func- 
tionaries; placed  continually  in  a situation 
of  disrespect,  they  appear  to  be  in  some 
measure  cut  off'  from  civil  society;  they  only 


156 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


are  spared,  whose  fidelity  is  wavering;  those 
only  are  praised  whose  fidelity  succumbs; 
others  are  noted  to  he  more  slowly  immo- 
lated to  popular  vengeance. 

“ The  periodical  press  has  equally  perse- 
cuted, with  envenomed  darts,  religion  and 
the  priesthood.  It  wishes,  and  will  ever 
wish,  to  root  out  from  the  hearts  of  the  peo- 
ple, even  the  last  seed  of  religious  senti- 
ments. Do  not  doubt,  Sire,  that  it  will  ac- 
complish this,  in  attacking  the  foundations 
of  faith,  in  altering  the  sources  of  public 
morality,  and  in  producing  abundantly  deri- 
sion and  contempt  for  the  ministers  of  the 
altar. 

“ No  force,  we  must  own,  is  capable  of  re- 
sisting such  an  energetic  violator  as  the 
press.  In  every  period,  when  it  was  let 
loose,  it  made  an  irruption,  an  invasion  into 
the  state.  One  cannot  but  be  singularly 
struck  with  the  similitude  of  its  effects  these 
last  fifteen  years,  notwithstanding  the  diver- 
sity of  circumstances  and  the  change  of  men 
who  moved  on  the  political  stage.  Its  object 
is,  in  a word,  to  recommence  the  revolution, 
whose  principles  it  loudly  proclaims.  Placed 
and  replaced,  at  different  times,  under  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  157 

yoke  of  censure,  whenever  it  obtained  liberty 
it  resumed  its  favourite  employment.  To 
continue  this  work  with  more  success,  it  has 
found  an  active  auxiliary  in  the  departmental 
press,  which,  exciting  jealousies  and  local 
animosities,  shedding  dread  on  the  hearts  of 
the  timid,  and  harassing  authority  by  inces- 
sant intermeddlings,  has  exercised  an  almost 
decisive  influence  on  the  elections. 

“ These  last  effects,  Sire,  are  transient,  but 
more  durable  effects  are  to  be  remarked  in  the 
manners  and  character  of  the  nation.  Ardent 
misrepresentations  and  impassioned  contro- 
versies, schools  of  scandal  and  licentiousness, 
produce  in  these,  serious  changes  and  deep 
alterations;  it  gives  a false  direction  to  the 
mind,  fills  it  with  prepossessions  and  preju- 
dices, diverts  it  from  serious  studies,  injures 
the  progress  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  excites 
discord  among  us,  introduces  baneful  dis- 
sentions  even  into  the  bosom  of  families,  and 
tends  to  reduce  us  gradually  to  barbarism. 

“ It  would  be  superfluous  to  investigate 
the  causes  for  adopting  the  mistaken  lenity 
which  has  hitherto  left  the  power  of  repres- 
sion a useless  weapon  in  the  hands  of  power. 

“ Judiciary  acts  cannot  easily  be  brought 


o 


158 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


to  repress  it  efficaciously.  This  truth,  glean- 
ed from  observation,  was  long  since  remark- 
ed by  well  intentioned  men;  it  has  recently 
acquired  a more  distinctive  character  of  evi- 
dence. Imperious  necessity  required  that 
the  repression  should  have  been  prompt 
and  strong;  it  has  remained  slow  and  weak, 
and  gradually  dwindled  into  nothing.  It 
never  interferes  before  the  fault  is  commit- 
ted, and  then  the  punishment  only  causes 
the  scandal  of  debate. 

“Juridical  prosecution  becomes  tired;  the 
seditious  press  never  tires.  The  former 
ceases,  because  it  has  too  many  to  handle 
roughly;  the  latter  multiplies  its  forces  by 
multiplying  its  offences. 

“ Under  different  circumstances,  power 
has  had  its  periods  of  activity  and  relaxa- 
tion: but  'whether  the  public  ministry  be 
zealous  or  lukewarm  it  matters  nothing  to  the 
press.  It  seeks,  by  redoubling  its  excesses 
to  guaranty  its  impunity.  It  is  time,  more 
than  time,  to  stop  its  ravages. 

“ Hearken,  Sire,  to  that  prolonged  cry  of 
indignation  and  dread  that  resounds  from 
every  point  of  your  kingdom.  The  lovers  of 
peace,  the  men  of  integrity,  the  friends  of 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  159 

order,  lift  up  their  suppliant  hands  to  your 
Majesty.  All  request  you  to  preserve  them 
from  a return  of  those  evils  which  their 
fathers  and  themselves  had  so  keenly  to  de- 
plore. These  alarms  are  too  real  not  to  be 
listened  to;  these  prayers  are  too  legitimate 
not  to  be  received. 

“ There  is  but  one  method  of  performing 
what  they  ask;  it  is  to  act  up  to  the  charter. 
If  the  terms  of  the  8 th  article  are  ambiguous, 
its  spirit  is  evident.  It  is  certain  that  the 
charter  does  not  grant  liberty  to  journals  and 
periodical  writings.  The  right  of  publish- 
ing one’s  own  opinions  does  not  surely  imply 
the  right  of  publishing  the  opinions  of  others. 
One  is  the  use  of  a faculty  which  the  law 
may  have  left  free  or  subject  to  restrictions; 
the  other  is  a speculation  of  industry,  which, 
like  all  others,  supposes  the  superintendence 
of  public  authority. 

“ The  intention  of  the  charter,  on  this  sub- 
ject, is  explained  with  exactness  in  the  law 
of  the  21st  of  October,  1814,  which  is  in 
some  measure  an  appendix  to  it:  it  cannot 
be  doubted  that  this  law  was  presented  to 
the  chambers  on  the  5th  of  July,  that  is  to 


1 60 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


say,  a month  after  the  promulgation  of  the 
charter. 

“In  1819,  at  the  very  period  when  a con- 
trary system  prevailed  in  the  chambers,  it 
was  loudly  proclaimed  that  the  periodical 
press  was  not  regulated  by  the  disposition  of 
article  8.  This  truth  is  further  attested  by 
the  very  laws  that  have  imposed  on  journals 
the  condition  of  giving  security. 

“At  present,  Sire,  nothing  remains  but  to 
ask  how  this  return  to  the  charter  and  the 
law  of  the  2 1 st  of  October,  1814,  are  to  be  ac- 
complished? The  serious  state  of  the  pre- 
sent juncture  resolves  this  question. 

“ It  is  needless  to  trifle.  We  are  no  longer 
in  the  ordinary  condition  of  a representative 
government.  The  principles  on  which  it  was 
established  could  not  weather  the  storm  in 
the  midst  of  political  vicissitudes.  A turbu- 
lent democracy,  which  has  wormed  itself 
into  our  laws,  aims  at  substituting  itself  for 
legitimate  power. 

“ It  disposes  of  the  majority  of  elections 
through  the  medium  of  its  journals,  and  the 
concourse  of  numberless  adoptions.  It  has 
paralysed,  as  much  as  it  could,  the  regular 
exercise  of  the  most  essential  prerogative  of 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  161 

the  crown,  that  of  dissolving  the  electoral 
chamber.  By  this,  the  constitution  of  the 
state  is  shaken;  your  Majesty  alone  has  the 
power  of  re-establishing  it  on  its  basis. 

“ The  right,  as  much  as  the  duty  of  main- 
taining it,  is  the  inseparable  attribute  of 
sovereignty.  No  government  upon  earth 
could  stand,  if  it  had  not  the  right  of  taking 
measures  for  its  own  safety.  This  power 
existed  before  the  laws,  because  it  is  in  the 
nature  of  things.  These,  Sire,  are  maxims 
sanctioned  by  the  opinions  of  all  the  public 
characters  of  Europe. 

“ But  these  maxims  are  still  more  posi- 
tively sanctioned  by  the  charter  itself.  The 
14th  article  invests  your  Majesty  with  a 
power  sufficient,  not  to  change  our  institu- 
tions, but  to  consolidate  them  and  render 
them  more  immutable. 

“ Imperious  necessity  forbids  the  exercise 
of  this  supreme  power  to  be  any  longer  de- 
ferred. It  is  now  the  time  to  have  recourse 
to  measures  which  accord  with  the  spirit  of 
the  charter,  but  which  are  out  of  its  legal 
order;  all  other  resources  have  been  in  vain 
exhausted. 

“ These  measures,  Sire,  your  ministers  who 
o 2 


162 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


assure  you  of  success,  do  not  hesitate  to  pro- 
pose to  you,  convinced  that  force  will  remain 
on  the  side  of  justice. 

“We  are  with  the  most  profound  respect, 
Sire,  Your  Majesty’s 

most  humble  and  very  faithful  subjects, 
Prince  de  Polignac, 
President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers. 
Chantelauze, 

Keeper  of  the  Seals  of  France , Minister  of 
Justice. 

Raron  D’Hausez, 

Minister  Secretary  of  State  of  the  Marine 
and  the  Colonies. 

Count  de  Peyronnet, 
Minister  Secretary  of  State  of  the  Interior. 
Montbel, 

Minister  Secretary  of  the  State  of  Finances. 

Count  de  Guernon  Ranville, 
Minister  Secretary  of  the  State  of  Ecclesi- 
astical Jiff  airs  and  of  Public  Instruction. 

Baron  Capelle, 

Minister  Secretary  of  the  State  of  Public 
Works.” 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


163 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Anecdotes  characterizing  the  gallant  conduct  of  the 
French,  during  the  three  memorable  days. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  relate  all  the 
excellent  traits  of  these  three  glorious  days; 
we  will  relate  a few  of  them,  to  illustrate  the 
value  of  the  pure  patriotism,  devotedness, 
and  disinterestedness  of  the  people,  in  their 
glory  and  in  their  dangers. 

Benoit,  a gig-driver,  without  any  other 
weapon  than  a sword,  was  the  first  in  seiz- 
ing a piece  of  cannon  that  had  been  firing  in 
Richelieu  street.  This  brave  fellow  was 
carried  astride  the  piece  of  cannon  he  had 
taken,  amidst  the  shouts  of  his  companions 
in  arms,  as  far  as  the  Exchange. 

An  officer  of  the  national  guards  ordered 
a labourer  to  prevent  any  person  from  carry- 
ing any  thing  away  from  the  castle  of  the 
Tuileries: — “Do  not  fear,  captain;  we  have 
changed  our  government,  but  not  our  con- 
sciences.” 

A boy  of  sixteen  years,  armed  with  a double 


164 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


barrelled  gun,  and  two  pistols,  was  the  first 
who  opened  the  gates  of  the  Louvre  to  the 
people.  This  gallant  young  man  was  riddled 
with  wounds;  they  carried  him  to  the  church 
of  St.  Germain  l’Auxerrois,  and  from  thence 
to  the  Hotel-Dieu,  with  the  Swiss  and  other 
soldiers  of  the  royal  guards.  We  regret  that 
we  are  not  able  to  give  his  name. 

At  one  of  the  battles  against  the  royal 
guards,  the  latter,  being  repulsed  by  the  citi- 
zens, abandoned  a piece  of  their  cannon, 
which  was  left  in  an  open  field;  but,  at  the 
same  time,  it  was  very  dangerous  to  ap- 
proach it,  on  account  of  the  firing.  ' A 
pupil  of  the  Polytechnic  school,  who  was  at 
the  head  of  the  citizens,  ran  and  seized  the 
piece  in  his  arms.  “ This  is  ours,”  cried  he, 
“ I will  keep  it:  I will  die  upon  it,  sooner 
than  surrender  it.”  Some  person  behind 
cried  out  to  him: — “The  brave  are  dear  to 
us;  you  will  be  killed;  come  back  to  us.” 
The  young  man  would  not  listen  to  them, 
but  embraced  the  piece  more  closely,  not- 
withstanding a shower  of  balls  that  rained 
around  him.  At  last  the  royal  guards  were 
forced  to  fall  back,  by  the  fire  of  the  citizens, 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  165 

who  advanced  upon  the  ground,  arrived  at 
the  piece,  and  saved  the  brave  boy  who  had 
seized  it.  V 

The  attack  on  the  Louvre,  made  in  front 
by  the  patriotic  band,  advancing  from  the 
faubourg  St.  Germain,  was  greatly  assisted 
by  another  division,  that  fired  from  the  op- 
posite side  of  the  river,  from  the  bridge  of 
Arts  to  the  royal  bridge,  against  the  Swiss, 
who  retreated  on  the  castle  of  the  Tuileries. 
This  division,  after  arriving  at  the  royal 
bridge,  sustaining  for  more  than  half  an 
hour  the  fire  of  the  castle  and  guard  house, 
and  surmounting,  finally,  every  obstacle, 
penetrated  into  the  Tuileries,  continuing  to 
fire  at  those  who  were  in  full  retreat. 

We  cannot  praise  too  much  the  conduct  of 
M.  Joubert,  who  bore  the  tricoloured  flag  in 
the  van  of  the  band,  and  who  planted  it  at 
the  entrance  of  the  bridge,  under  a hot 
and  tremendous  cannonade.  This  was  the 
same  flag  that  had  been  hoisted  on  the  top 
of  the  belfrey  by  these  brave  defenders — 
viz:  Messrs.  Thomas,  Guinard  and  Gauja. 

Every  witness  of  this  action  also  praises 
the  conduct  of  Messrs.  Picard  (a  veteran), 


166 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Bomvilliers,  Bastide,  Levasseur,  Cavaignac, 
Dupont,  Drolling. 

There  were  600  wounded,  carried  to  the 
hospital  of  Beaujon. 

The  post  of  the  Swiss  des  Ecuries,  con- 
sisting of  about  sixty  men,  was  reduced  at 
three  o’clock  to  twenty-eight.  Twenty  brave 
fellows  attacked  it  without  relaxation,  from 
eight  o’clock  in  the  morning. 

The  French  soldiers  would  not  be  execu- 
tioners. In  the  reign  of  Charles  IX.  the 
viscount  d’Orthes  did  not  thus  find  the 
troops  under  his  command.  So  have  a 
great  number  of  the  officers  of  the  guard 
thought,  during  the  first  days  of  the  glorious 
struggle.  These  brave  fellows  know  better 
the  true  point  of  honour,  than  the  executors 
of  ministerial  works.  Many  of  them,  after 
having  at  first  imprudently  yielded  to  the 
usual  passive  obedience,  nobly  sent  in  their 
resignation  the  next  day,  against  the  atro- 
cious and  infamous  orders  that  had  been  ad- 
dressed to  them  and  summed  up,  by  M.  de 
Polignac,  in  these  ferocious  and  surprising 
words:— “ Fire  where  you  will  and  where 
you  can.” 

One  of  them,  Count  Raoul  de  la  Tour  du 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  1 6 7" 

Pin,  sent  with  his  resignation,  the  following 
letter,  addressed  to  Polignac.  This  letter 
will  remain  as  a monument  of  the  true  senti- 
ments with  which  it  will  never  be  permitted 
to  a worthy  soldier  to  abjure  the  empire. 

“ My  Lord, 

“ After  a day  of  massacre  and  disaster,  un- 
dertaken against  all  divine  and  human  laws, 
I have  not  taken  a part  in  it  without  re- 
proaching myself;  my  conscience  imperious- 
ly.forbids  my  obeying  a moment  longer. 

“I  have  given  during  my  life,  a sufficient 
number  of  proofs  of  my  attachment  to  the 
king,  for  him  to  permit  me,  without  having 
my  intentions  slandered,  to  distinguish  that 
which  comes  from  him,  from  the  atrocities 
committed  in  his  name.  I have  the  honour 
to  request  you  my  lord  to  lay  my  resignation 
of  the  office  of  captain  of  the  guards,  under 
the  eyes  of  his  Majesty. 

“ I have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  excel- 
lency’s most  humble  and  obedient  servant, 
Signed, 

“ The  Count  Raoul  de  Latour  du  Pin. 
“ July  28 th.  1830.” 

M.  de  Chateaubriand,  was  walking  on  the 


168 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


30th,  from  the  street  du  Coq-saint-Honol’£, 
to  the  chamber  of  Peers.  He  was  recog- 
nised. Immediately  the  mob  collected  around 
him,  crying,  “ Vive  Chateaubriand!  Vive  le 
defenseur  de  la  liberte  de  lapresse!”  In  a mo- 
ment Chateaubriand  was  borne  in  triumph, 
and  carried  to  the  gates  of  the  chamber  of 
Peers. 

M.  Mole,  who  entered  the  chamber  at  the 
same  time  with  Chateaubriand,  was  sa- 
luted with  the  most  lively  acclamations. 

It  was  remarked  that  strangers,  Russians, 
English,  and  Germans,  gave  all  the  assist- 
ance in  their  power,  to  the  defenders  of  the 
charter.  They  received  them  in  their  own 
houses  when  they  were  wounded;  they 
brought  them  refreshments  and  food;  in 
fact,  all  Europe  took  some  part  in  the  me- 
morable day  of  the  29th  of  July. 

M.  Bavoux,  prefect  of  the  police,  being 
informed  on  the  29th,  that  the  victors,  too 
generous  to  dishonour  their  victory,  had 
thrown  with  indignation  into  the  Seine,  the 
vessels  of  gold  and  silver  which  they  found 
in  the  Archbishop’s  palace,  gave  orders  to 
the  mariners  to  rake  the  bottom  of  the 
river.  This  was  immediately  done,  and  all 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  169 

the  things  were  on  the  same  day  at  the  po- 
lice office. 

The  Archbishop  of  Paris  was  arrested  on 
the  30th,  at  the  moment  he  was  about  to  fly; 
carrying  with  him  a great  quantity  of  jewels, 
and  five  hundred  thousand  francs  in  gold,  in 
his  coach. 

One  would  have  thought  that  the  zeal  of 
the  French  youth  for  the  study  of  the  sci- 
ences, letters  and  laws,  might  have  given 
them  some  confidence  in  the  success  of  the 
abominable  projects  which  were  defeated  by 
the  heroism  of  the  Parisians.  But  the  young 
men  set  the  most  glorious  examples  of  pa- 
triotism and  courage.  Honour  to  the  pupils 
of  the  Polytechnic  school!  These  were  the 
young  heroes  who  captured  from  the  royal 
troops  the  first  pieces  of  cannon,  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Seine.  They  achieved  their  vic- 
tory with  as  much  skill  as  intrepidity. 

There  is  opposite  the  Louvre,  under  the 
colonnade,  and  opposite  the  church  of  St. 
Germain  l’Auxerrois,  a plain  surrounded  by 
a simple  barricade  of  wood;  in  a corner.- 'of 
this  place,  and  on  the  side  towards  the  Seine, 
were  buried  on  the  morning  of  the  30th,  the 


p 


170 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


remains  of  the  heroic  citizens,  who,  on  the 
days  of  the  28th  and  29th,  lost  their  lives 
in  the  attack  of  the  Louvre. 

Two  large  ditches  were  dug,  in  which 
about  eighty  dead  bodies  were  inhumated  be- 
tween two  layers  of  quick-lime;  the  dead 
were  carried  in  large  waggons,  and  buried 
one  after  another.  The  military  conferred 
upon  them  all  the  honours  due  to  soldiers 
and  to  Christians;  they  fired  a round  over 
this  vast  sepulchre,  and  called  a priest  of  the 
church  of  St.  Germain  l’Auxerrois,  to  per- 
form the  funeral  service.  This  was  the  abbe 
Paravey,  who  came  in  his  sacerdotal  gar- 
ments, and  blessed  the  soil  of  the  dead;  the 
national  guard  accompanied  him  home  to 
his  door.  The  next  day  on  this  bed  of  glo- 
rious slumber,  was  erected  a large  cross  of 
wood,  to  which  was  appended  this  concise 
funeral  inscription: 

“ To  the  French  who  died  for  Liberty .” 

Parisians  and  strangers  often  visit  this 
modest  tomb  with  tenderness,  and  strew  it 
with  garlands,  wreathed  with  evergreens  and 
laurels. 

The  court,  confident  of  success  and  despis- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


171 


ing  the  opinions  about  popular  courage,  could 
not  preserve  for  even  two  clays  a firm  and  de- 
termined attitude.  On  the  30th,  the  duke  of 
Mortemar  presented  himself  at  the  Hotel-de- 
Ville  as  bearer  of  a despatch  from  Charles  X. 
to  general  Lafayette,  at  5 in  the  afternoon. 
The  general  took  the  letter  smiling  and  said: 
“ I presume  there  will  be  no  indiscretion  in 
reading  this  aloud.”  The  duke  made  an 
humble  bow,  and  the  general  read  the  royal 
message.  Charles  X,  in  this  letter,  appoint- 
ed Casimir  Perrier,  minister  of  finances,  ge- 
neral Gerard  for  affairs  of  war,  and  Dupin  for 
those  of  justice.  Lafayette  was  himself  held 
in  the  generalship  of  the  national  guard; 
the  Bourbons  accepted  besides  many  conse- 
quences of  the  revolution.  The  general  mere- 
ly replied  that  he  was  commissioned  to  watch 
over  the  public  safety,  of  which  duty  he 
would  acquit  himself,  but  that  he  was  not 
commissioned  to  have  any  dealings  with 
Charles  X. 

On  the  29th,  as  soon  as  the  detachment  of 
the  line  that  occupied  the  station  of  the  Ab- 
baye  had  surrendered  their  arms  to  the  na- 
tional guards  of  the  eleventh  legion,  Mr.  Su- 
berbie,  one  of  them,  gave  them  refreshments 


172 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


at  the  house  of  M.  Dumas,  a wine  merchant 
at  the  corner  of  Rue  de  Boucheries,  as  he 
also  did  to  two  deserters  who  were  set  at  li- 
berty, and  whom  he  incorporated  in  one  of 
the  detachments  of  the  eleventh  legion  which 
was  marching  to  the  attack  of  the  Tuileries. 
An  Englishman  who  witnessed  the  general 
energy  said  to  him:  “ Sir,  the  valour  that 
the  French  display  to  regain  their  liberty, 
will  be  the  admiration  of  all  people.” — Yes, 
answered  the  guard,  “ and  our  provident  wis- 
dom after  the  victory  will  merit  the  respect 
of  kings.” 

A tradesman  whose  apparel  did  not  be- 
speak easy  circumstances,  and  who  on  the 
28th,  had  co-operated,  from  5 o’clock  in  the 
morning  in  seizing  several  posts,  had  not 
eaten  a morsel  at  three  in  the  evening.  A 
young  man  offered  him  100  sous. — ■“  Sir,” 
answered  the  tradesman,  “ I do  not  fight  for 
money;  but  I thankfully  accept  of  10  sous  to 
buy  myself  a morsel  of  bread.” 

It  was  a doleful  spectacle,  on  the  30th,  to 
see,  a large  boat  covered  with  a black  pavil- 
lion,  floating  below  the  Morgue,  whence  they 
let  down  on  handbarrows,  the  dead  who  filled 
the  halls  of  that  mournful  edifice.  Some 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  173 

were  in  loosely  nailed  coffins,  which  the 
slightest  shock  would  burst  open,  others 
were  all  naked|  they  were  ranged  in  piles, 
covered  with  straw  and  sprinkled  over  with 
quicklime,  to  neutralize  the  effects  of  putre- 
faction. The  crowd  on  the  breastwork  of 
the  Seine,  in  contemplating’  this  funeral  em- 
barcation,  appeared  congealed  with  horror. 
Violent  imprecations  of  the  people  occasion- 
ally interrupted  the  solemn  silence.  The  mo- 
thers of  the  dead  shed  tears,  others  more 
happy  embraced  their  children  whose  tender 
age  had  prevented  them  from  bearing  arms 
in  this  sanguinary  combat.  At  some  paces 
further  on,  a convoy  of  the  wounded  was  car- 
ried by.  They  were  surrounded  by  specta- 
tors who  shouted  out  “ long  live  liberty  and 
our  country They  put  back  the  crowd 
from  around  them,  in  order  to  let  them 
breathe  more  freely,  and  those  who  passed 
respectfully  took  off  their  hats. 

At  the  taking  of  the  Castle,  a schoolboy, 
who  was  at  the  head  of  some  armed  citizens, 
went  up  to  the  iron  gate,  when  a superior 
officer  advanced.  “ Open  the  gate,”  cried  the 
beardless  chieftain,  “ unless  you  want  to  be 
all  exterminated:  liberty  and  strength  de- 

p 2 


174 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


clare  for  the  people.”  The  officer  refused 
to  open,  and  drew  out  his  pistol;  it  missed 
fire.  The  boy,  in  possession  of  all  his  pre- 
sence of  mind,  instantly  seized  the  officer  by 
the  breast,  and  pointing  his  sword  at  him, 
exclaimed:  “Now,  sir,  your  life  is  in  my 
hand;  I could  at  this  moment  pierce  your 
heart,  but  I have  no  thirst  after  blood.”  The 
officer,  affected  by  this  act  of  generosity  tore 
off  the  military  ornaments  he  wore  and  pre- 
sented them  to  his  noble  enemy,  exclaiming, 
“ Bravo,  my  gallant  boy,  no  one  is  more 
worthy  than  you  to  carry  these  emblems  of 
honour;  receive  them  from  my  hand;  as  a 
superior  officer,  I enjoyed  the  credit  of  my 
rank  up  to  this  moment,  and  I am  sure  it 
will  be  continued  to  you.” 

On  the  30th  day,  at  the  Exchange,  two  men 
of  the  working  class,  were  posted  as  guards 
on  the  Swiss  and  royal  guards  who  had  been 
taken  prisoners,  whose  life  had  been  gene- 
rously granted.  “ We  have  not  eaten  a mor- 
sel these  twelve  hours,”  said  the  workmen. 
Immediately  M.  Darmaing,  chief  editor  of 
the  Gazettedes  Tribunaux,  who  happened  to  be 
present,  gave  them  5 francs,  saying  “ friends, 
go  eat  something,  and  I will  take  your  place 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  175 

till  you  return.”  They  seemed  to  hesitate. 
“ Take  it,  (said  he)  for  among  us  every  thing 
is  in  common.”  The  workmen  then  accept- 
ed it,  went  off,  and  returning  in  a quarter  of 
an  hour,  gave  him  back  55  sous  in  change 
with  many  thanks. 

Charles  X.  wished  to  distribute  crosses  of 
honour  among  the  royal  guards  who  had  re- 
turned to  St.  Cloud,  on  the  29th,  after  having 
massacred  their  brethren.  The  soldiers,  to 
whom  he  offered  them,  refused  to  receive 
them,  being  ashamed  to  accept  a reward  so 
badly  merited. 

The  last  act  of  Charles  X.  was  a decree 
for  the  dissolution  of  the  Polytechnic  school. 
Napoleon  once  said: — “ The  Polytechnic 
school  is  my  hen  that  lays  golden  eggs.” 
To-day  the  nation  realizes  this  expression, 
so  spiritually  true. 

A very  characteristic  episode  of  the  popu- 
lar heroism  of  the  revolution,  happened  on 
the  morning  of  the  28th,  in  St.  Honore  street; 
a woman  of  thirty  or  thirty-five  was  shot 
dead  by  a bullet,  in  the  middle  of  her  fore- 
head. A baker’s  boy  with  legs  and  arms 
naked,  a man  of  colossal  stature  and  of  Her- 
culean muscle,  was  struck  with  horror  at  this 


176 


HISTORY  OF  THF. 


sight.  He  took  tip  the  dead  body  and  carry- 
ing it  on  his  head,  brought  it  to  the  Place  de 
Victoire,  shouting  as  he  went  along, — re- 
venge! revenge!  There,  after  having  laid  it 
on  the  ground  at  the  pedestal  of  the  statue  of 
Louis  XIV.  he  harangued  the  multitude 
with  an  energy  that  electrified  every  heart. 
Then  taking  up  the  corpse  again,  he  carried 
it  away  to  the  station  of  the  body  guard,  at 
the  bank  near  the  Place  de  Victoire,  and  on 
his  approaching  the  soldiers  at  the  gate,  he 
threw  down  his  bleeding  burden  before  them, 
exclaiming: — “ See  how  your  comrades  treat 
our  women!  will  you  do  the  like?”  “ No,” 
cried  one  of  the  soldiers,  passionately  grip- 
ping his  hand,  “ but  come  with  arms!”  The 
other  soldiers  turned  pale,  and  big  tears  start- 
ed in  the  eyes  of  the  officers.  A few  mo- 
ments after,  as  they  were  complaining  to  an 
officer  of  the  number  of  citizens  killed  by 
the  royal  guard,  he  was  heard  to  say  these 
words,  in  a significant  tone, — “ Kill  me,  kill 
me:  death  is  preferable  to  a situation  like 
mine.” 

Polignac’s  wife  arrived  at  Versailles  on 
Monday  morning,  at  eleven  o’clock,  August 
2d,  from  her  house  at  Millemont.  Her  car- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  177 

riage  was  stopped,  and  a workman,  going  up 
to  the  door  of  it,  told  her  with  sadness,  show- 
ing her  the  people  in  arms:— See  what  a 
state  your  husband  has  reduced  us  toj  but 
go  on,  we  will  not  avenge  ourselves  on  wo- 
men.” The  carriage  proceeded  without  fur- 
ther obstacle. 

An  Englishman,  Mr.  Knight,  who  put  up 
at  the  Hotel-Meurice,  had  constantly  fought 
on  the  side  of  the  people  during  the  days  of 
the  28th  and  29th.  His  valour  and  enthu- 
siasm animated  the  citizens  so  much,  that 
they  chose  him,  unanimously,  for  their  cap- 
tain. This  gallant  stranger  conducted  them 
to  the  fire  with  an  unparalleled  ardour,  and 
never  gave  up  the  command  he  so  well  de- 
served, till  tranquillity  was  entirely  restored. 
Such  acts  do  honour  at  once  to  both  na- 
tions, and  show  how  much  the  conduct  of 
the  French  inspires  strangers  with  confi- 
dence. 

Suche,  a stove  maker,  was  watching 
over  the  tranquillity  of  his  own  district, 
when  it  was  told  to  him  that  two  of  his 
brothers  were  killed  in  Rue  St.  Honorej  in- 
stantly seizing  his  gun,  he  flew  to  the  place, 


178 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


and  fought  desperately  from  morning  till 
night. 

Justice  ought  to  be  done  to  the  conduct  of 
general  de  Wals,  ex-commandant  of  the 
Place  de  Paris.  He  ordered  the  line  not  to 
fire  upon  the  citizens,  but  when  they  should 
be  attacked,  to  fire  in  the  air.  The  officers 
of  the  53d  gave  the  same  orders. 

The  gallant  conduct  of  the  people  of  Chail- 
lot,  deserves  notice.  Seventy-five  of  these 
brave  men,  led  on  by  Suche  and  Villemain, 
after  having  disarmed  three  posts,  stood  the 
fire  of  five  regiments  of  the  guard  who  want- 
ed to  force  a retreat  through  the  barrier  of 
Passy.  More  than  eighty  prisoners  fell  into 
their  hands. 

It  is  well  known  at  present,  who  was  the 
man  that  hoisted  the  first  national  flag  on 
the  towers  of  Notre  Dame;  he  carried  it  the 
whole  morning  in  a scarf.  His  name  is 
Petit  Jean  (little  John),  No.  30,  Rue  de 
l’Echiquier;  it  was  thought  he  belonged  to 
the  bar  of  Paris.  He  rallied  under  his  com- 
mand, a little  troop  of  valiant  citizens,  and 
the  tocsin  he  caused  to  be  rung,  gathered  in 
a few  moments  300  men,  among  whom  he 
distributed  500  cartridges.  At  the  head  of 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


179 


this  little  army,  which  he  harangued  with  all 
the  eloquence  of  patriotism,  this  intrepid 
chief  went  through  every  spot  where  the 
battle  was  bloodiest,  especially  at  the  Place 
la  Greve  and  the  quays,  where  the  royal 
guard  were  letting  off  tremendous  fires.  He 
had  the  misfortune  to  see  great  numbers  of 
his  friends  fall  around  him;  but  by  his  per- 
severing resistance,  he  contributed  power- 
fully to  the  success  of  the  national  cause  on 
the  bloody  day  of  the  28th.  The  compa- 
nions of  his  glory  and  of  his  dangers  are 
anxious  to  pay  a tribute  to  his  conduct  on 
that  bloody  day. 

A workman  while  fighting  in  the  suburb 
of  Montmartre,  under  a burning  sun,  was  thus 
addressed  by  Dr.  Samuel  who  had  established 
his  rounds  under  the  gate: — “ Come, my  brave 
fellow,  take  some  refreshments.” — ■“  No,  sir,” 
said  the  labourer,  “ my  brother  was  killed 
yesterday,  and  I have  sworn  to  eat  but 
bread  and  drink  but  water,  till  his  death  be 
avenged.”  ^ 

They  quote  a good  saying  of  a veteran  of 
Rue  Notre-dame-des-Victoires. 

“ You  have  then  surrendered  your  arms,” 
said  a neighbour— “ surrendered  my  arms!” 


180 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


cried  ihe  brave  man — “ No,  I only  lent 
them.” 

A brazier’s  boy,  named  Richard,  and 
Dubois,  an  old  blacksmith,  fought  on  the 
31st  of  July,  between  Sevres  and  Versailles 
against  twenty  cuirassiers  of  the  royal  guard; 
they  dismounted  two  soldiers  and  returned  to 
Paris  upon  their  horses. 

In  the  affair  of  the  28th  July,  at  the  time 
when  the  resistance  was  not  well  organized, 
in  the  square  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  a young 
man  who  bore  a standard  on  the  head  of  his 
lance,  thinking  he  perceived  some  hesitation 
among  the  Parisian  troops,  advanced  within 
ten  paces  of  the  royal  guard,  saying  to  his 
comrades:  “I  will  teach  you  how  to  die!” 
He  fell  in  an  instant  pierced  with  numbers 
of  balls. 

On  the  same  day,  a youth  of  15  years  ad- 
vanced, in  the  midst  of  a fire  of  grape  shot 
and  musketry,  very  near  one  of  the  officers  of 
the  cavalry  that  protected  the  cannon,  and 
discharging  a pistol  at  him  fractured  his 
skull.  A volley  was  instantly  poured  upon 
him;  but  the  youth  foreseeing  what  would 
happen,  fell  prostrate,  and  afterwards  arising 
escaped  safe  and  sound.  Perceiving  that  he 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  181 

had  left  his  cap  behind,  he  returned  to  the 
post  without  hesitation  and  came  back  with- 
out receiving  any  injury,  q 

On  the  30th  July,  tranquillity  was  perfect- 
ly established;  and  Paris  after  three  glorious 
days  of  contest  for  the  liberty  of  France,  pre- 
sented the  most  admirable  spectacle;  it  was 
at  the  same  time  a camp  and  a city,  a siege 
and  a festival.  Some  were  constructing  and 
repairing  barracks,  others  sung  and  revel- 
led; every  thing  was  calm  and  smiling,  every 
thing  was  grave  and  therefore  solemn;  large 
guns  were  seen  in  the  hands  of  young  men 
of  20  years,  who  used  them  like  old  soldiers; 
soldiers  were  formerly  met  with,  but  now  are 
seen  honest  labourers,  who,  apparelled  in 
brilliant  cuirasses  and  gilded  helmets,  march 
around  the  city  as  conquerors,  but  without 
abusing  their  triumph.  Each  body  of  guards 
belonged  to  the  national  guard;  it  was  every 
where. 

Watchmen  patrolled  the  streets,  which 
freed  from  the  enemy’s  fire,  were  illumi- 
nated during  the  night;  no  disorder  broke 
out.  In  the  Tuileries  nothing  was  disturb- 
ed. From  the  Archbishop’s  palace  they  took 
nothing  but  some  linen  to  be  carried  to  the 
Q 


182 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Hotel  Dieu.  At  the  Museum  the  mob  tore 
only  the  scriptural  paintings;  all  the  others 
were  respected.  The  citizens  were  in  the 
streets  or  at  their  windows;  every  one  gaily 
passed  the  night;  the  men  reading  the  jour- 
nals; the  women  preparing  lint  on  their 
thresholds,  or  administering  comfort  to  the 
wounded  in  their  houses,  proud  and  consoled 
by  the  idea  of  having  saved  their  country. 
The  art  of  war  was  not  forgotten  in  this 
great  circumstance;  all  the  hospitals  without 
exception  were  open  for  the  wounded,  and 
the  surgeons  of  these  establishments  emu- 
lated each  other  in  zeal  and  devotedness  in 
giving  immediate  succour  to  the  victims  of 
the  bloody  struggle  between  liberty  and  op- 
pressive power.  Medical  ambulances  were 
established  in  every  quarter  where  there  was 
a battle,  and  the  house  of  every  physician  be- 
came a place  of  succour  for  the  wounded.  In 
this  general  emulation  for  doing  good,  the 
Hotel  Dieu  was  particularly  distinguished. 
Situated  in  the  centre  of  Paris  and  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  most  sanguinary  af- 
fray, it  afforded  succour  to  more  than  1000 
wounded,  and  took  in  more  than  500. 

Every  thing  appeared  to  have  been  pre- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  183 

pared,  as  if  by  enchantment,  for  a vast  medi- 
cal ambulance.  The  young  surgeons  follow- 
ing the  litters,  removed  the  wounded  out  of 
the  reach  of  the  musket  fire;  they  who  had 
received  only  slight  wounds,  were  dressed 
under  the  vestibule  by  the  care  of  Messrs. 
Legros  and  Jobert,  assistants  in  the  clini- 
cal department;  they  who  were  more  seri- 
ously wounded,  and  proper  subjects  for  the 
hospital,  were  carried  to  chambers,  where 
they  received  the  best  care  from  numerous 
surgeons;  among  whom  were  Messrs,  Du- 
puytren,  Breschet,  and  Samson,  chief,  and 
Messrs.  Meniere,  Moux,  Guerin,  Robert, 
&c.  &c.  secondary,  surgeons  of  the  hospi- 
tal. All  the  succours  were  prepared  by 
the  care  of  Mr.  Dupuytren,  who  remained 
with  his  fellow-labourers,  during  three  days 
and  nights,  at  this  post  of  honour  and  duty. 

It  was  a sight  truly  interesting,  to  behold 
our  fellow  citizens  who  were  occupied  the 
day  before  in  peaceful  affairs,  suddenly  trans- 
formed into  heroes. 

We  should  not  forget  to  mention  Mr.  Des- 
porte,  manager  of  Hotel  Dieu,  who  seemed 
to  be  in  every  place  where  his  presence 
might  be  necessary  at  the  same  moment. 


184 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


These  three  great  days  presented  some  mov- 
ing episodes.  Brothers  recognised  their 
brothers  in  the  opposite  ranks;  a soldier 
killed  his  father;  the  soldiers  and  the 
Swiss,  were  generously  saved;  the  women 
and  children  took  part  in  the  combats; 
young  men  isolated  from  the  rest,  placed 
themselves  in  ambush  behind  the  corners  of 
the  streets,  and  fired  upon  whole  regiments; 
a pupil  of  the  Polytechnic  school  took  a can- 
non upon  the  place  de  Greve,  under  which 
he  lay  down  until  his  comrades  came  to  his 
aid.  One  of  these  brave  fellows  fell  asleep 
on  a matrass  destined  for  the  wounded;  his 
sleep  was  so  profound,  that  he  did  not  awake 
till  they  carried  him  into  the  Hotel  de  Ville; 
the  people  took  of  their  hats  as  he  passed, 
as  was  customary  when  a corse  passed  by. 
It  was  an  afflicting  sight  to  see  wheelbar- 
rows loaded  with  the  dead,  who  were  covered 
with  large  wounds. 

Old  men,  and  such  as  were  young  in  93, 
were  astonished  at  the  three  days  which  ori- 
ginated in  the  provocation  of  the  ministry, 
and  terminated  in  the  triumph  of  the  people. 
“ Never,”  said  they,  “ have  we  viewed  such 
a combat.”  The  most  furious  combats  of 
the  people  in  the  revolution  of  89,  did  not 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  185 

last  more  than  one  day.  After  this,  how 
trifling  appeared  the  struggles  of  ’89  and  ’93, 
when  compared  with  those  of  the  27th  and 
29th  of  July!  In  this  latter  period  there 
were  no  proscriptions,  no  murders,  no  usurp- 
ed power,  no  profaned  temples;  and  to  cele- 
brate the  victory,  funerals  without  pomp  and 
a cross  of  wood,  opposite  the  colonnade  of  the 
Louvre,  of  which  the  Parisians  were  so 
proud,  that  the  Swiss  guards  were  ordered 
to  mutilate  it,  on  account  of  which  action 
the  former  have  cause  to  be  prouder  than 
ever  of  it. 

At  the  sight  of  so  many  wonderful  opera- 
tions, so  unanimous  and  with  so  few  efforts, 
one  would  be  tempted  to  say  “ It  was  writ- 
ten!” Might  it  not  be  said,  that  France  is 
placed  under  the  spell  of  a happy  and  power- 
ful fatality,  which  wrests  her  spontaneously 
from  all  despotism,  and  which,  when  she  is 
in  want  of  its  aid  either  to  raise  or  break 
down  thrones,  invariably  and  justly  never  re- 
fuses her  assistance. 

The  provisional  government  decided  that 
a pension  of  500  francs  should  be  granted  to 
the  widows  and  children  of  the  brave  fellows 
who  perished  in  the  defence  of  liberty,  and 
Q 2 


186 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


that  a pension  of  300  francs  should  be  grant- 
ed to  the  wounded. 

One  of  the  national  guards,  named  Jeanis- 
son,  proprietor  of  the  baths  of  St  Guillaume, 
took  the  street  of  Richelieu,  from  the  coffee- 
house of  Minerva,  where  he  established  a 
battery. 

On  the  31st,  the  court  despatched  some 
royal  troops  to  arrest  the  duke  of  Orleans  at 
Neuilly,  where  they  learned  that  he  had  de- 
parted for  Paris,  during  the  night;  the  king 
immediately  issued  an  ordinance  declaring 
the  prince  an  outlaw , and  ordering  all  his 
subjects  to  fall  upon  him. 

Two  lieutenant-generals  by  the  name  of 
Gerard,  distinguished  themselves  in  the 
great  national  movement.  One,  the  count 
Gerard,  general  of  the  infantry,  deputy  and 
minister  of  war;  the  other,  baron  Gerard, 
inspector-general  of  the  cavalry,  and  one  of 
our  best  officers  of  the  light  cavalry. 

The  revolution  of  July,  1830,  was  signal- 
ized by  every  trait  of  devotedness  and  noble- 
ness. The  conduct  of  the  duke  of  Choiseul 
in  the  moment  of  danger,  and  after  the  vic- 
tory, will  remain  as  a model  of  patriotism 
and  self  denial. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


187 


“ To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  City  of  Paris. 

K Messieurs, 

“A  proclamation  signed  by  the  generals 
Lafayette,  Gerard,  and  the  duke  of  Choiseul, 
under  the  title  of  members  of  the  provisional 
government,  and  having  accepted  this  office , 
this  was  placarded  on  the  28th  of  July,  and 
the  days  following,  on  the  walls  of  Paris. 

“ The  result  was  then  uncertain;  the  strug- 
gle commenced;  the  signers  were  in  immi- 
nent danger  in  case  of  the  royal  army  being 
victorious;  our  punishment  would  have  fol- 
lowed the  victory. 

“ My  name  undoubtedly  appeared  useful; 
my  consent  was  not  even  asked.  I was  a 
nothing,  I commanded  nothing;  the  only 
risk  was  for  myself;  I was  silent:  I should 
have  thought  myself  a coward  to  tell  the 
truth,  since  there  was  question  of  nothing 
but  my  head;  and  I felicitated  myself,  that  the 
benevolence,  with  which  I was  honoured  by 
the  Parisian  guard,  and  my  fellow-citizens, 
might  have  been  of  some  service. 

“ Now  that  the  victory  is  no  longer  doubt- 
ful, I am  bound  in  conscience  to  declare,  that 


188 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


I never  took  any  part  in  the  provisional  go- 
vernment, and  that  such  a proposition  was 
never  made  to  me.  I risked  in  silence,  every 
danger  in  the  hour  of  battle,  I owe  a tribute 
to  truth  in  the  hour  of  victory. 

“ The  Duke  of  Choiseul, 
<c  Peer  of  France,  ancient  Colonel  of  the  First 
Legion,  and  Ex-Major  of  the  Parisian 
National  Guard. 


Paris , Aug.  1.  1830.” 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


189 


HISTORICAL  DOCUMENTS 

CONCERNING  THE  DAYS  OF  THE  27TH,  28TH, 
29th  AND  30th  JULY. 

The  details  which  follow  are  extracts  from 
letters  of  reports,  and  pieces  of  which  the 
originals  are  curious;  these  pieces  appear  to 
have  been  lost  in  the  disorder  of  the  retreat. 
The  state  in  which  the  most  part  of  them 
were  found,  proves  that  they  had  fallen  into 
the  dirt.  The  first  is  a little  billet  without 
date,  and  without  any  precise  direction,  con- 
taining these  words: — “ We  must  demand 
from  the  minister,  a supply  calculated  in 
such  manner,  that  each  regiment,  count- 
ing what  remains  for  it,  may  be  supplied 
with  fifty  cartridges  per  man.” 

The  following  appears  in  a letter  of  the 
28th  July,  to  a colonel  of  infantry  of  the 
royal  guard. 

“ Colonel, — The  major  general  of  the  re- 
giment authorizes  you  to  distribute  to-day, 
at  your  own  expense,  the  quantity  of  wine 
you  think  necessary  for  the  troops  under 


190 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


your  orders;  the  expenses  will  be  refunded 
to  you.” 

It  appears  that  on  the  28th,  the  resistance 
of  Paris  did  not  permit  the  rations  of  bread 
in  sufficient  quantity  to  be  distributed  to  the 
troops.  The  duke  of  Ragusa  wrote  on  this 
subject  to  Charles  X.  The  following  is  the 
answer  that  he  received  from  St.  Cloud,  on 
the  same  day,  at  half  past  eleven  at  night: 

“ I have  the  honour  of  forwarding  your 
letter  to  his  Majesty.  According  to  his  or- 
ders, the  chamberlain  has  employed  all  the 
men  in  his  service,  in  baking  the  bread  you 
stand  in  need  of.  I asked  for  30000  rations. 

“ I believe  that  it  will  not  be  difficult  to 
obtain  half  of  it  during  the  night.  I have 
also  commanded  25000  rations  from  Ver- 
sailles. Notwithstanding  these  two  com- 
mands, I fear  that  the  bread  will  not  reach 
you  before  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning.” 

The  rest  of  the  letter  relates  to  military 
affairs,  and  the  disposal  of  the  troops.  From 
this  also  it  appears,  that  there  was  no  guard 
occupying  the  barrier  des  Bons  Hommes; 
none  to  protect  the  route  from  St.  Cloud; 
that  the  captains  of  the  guards  should,  on 
the  next  morning,  join  at  St.  Cloud  their 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  191 

four  companies;  that  the  king  had  given  or- 
ders that  one  battalion  of  the  young  men  of 
Saint  Cyr,  and  six  pieces  of  cannon  should 
be  despatched  to  St.  Cloud  on  the  29th  at  three 
o’clock  in  the  morning.  The  artillery,  sup- 
ported by  the  infantry  of  the  guards,  mixed 
with  some  companies  of  the  young  men  of  St. 
Cyr,  was  to  be  employed  in  defending  the 
bridges.  The  signer  of  the  letter  announces 
to  the  marshal  that  he  ordered  the  captains 
of  the  guards  to  place  two  detachments  at 
Sevres  for  the  purpose  of  acting  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Seine;  that  the  detachments  at 
St.  Cloud  should  communicate  by  the  bridge 
of  Grenelle,  with  those  of  Sevres;  that  he 
placed  watches  on  the  wood  of  Boulogne 
as  well  as  the  road  to  Neuilly  and  that  to 
Versailles,  where  there  had  been  some 
gatherings. 

On  the  28th,  244  litres  of  wine  were  dis- 
tributed among  the  troops  of  the  guard  sta- 
tioned on  the  Carousel.  This  distribution 
was  made  for  the  service  of  the  king , says  the 
letter. 

The  sum  of  18,241  fr.  40  c.  was  to  have 
been  distributed  on  Thursday,  the  29th  of 
July,  by  order  of  the  king.  It  appears  by 


192 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


this  letter  that  on  the  day  alluded  to,  only 
10,000  francs  were  paid.  A bond  for  the 
payment  of  25,000  was  delivered  for  the 
sixth  regiment  of  the  guard.  Lastly,  another 
bond  for  the  sum  of  8000  francs,  destined  for 
the  fifth  regiment  of  the  line,  states  that  it  was 
to  be  put  to  the  account  of  a gratuity  of  one 
month  and  a half  over  pay,  which  his  ma- 
jesty graciously  vouchsafed  to  grant  to  the 
army  by  his  order  issued  on  the  20th  of 
July,  1830. 

This  order  of  the  day  has  not  yet  reached 
us;  it  is  a historical  document  of  high  im- 
portance, when  we  consider  its  object,  and  the 
terms  in  which  it  is  couched. 

Thus,  wine  to  banish  reason;  gold  to  stifle 
the  voice  of  conscience  and  the  cries  of  hu- 
manity; bullets  to  exterminate  the  people  of 
Paris;  such  were  the  last  memorials  and 
farewell-offerings  of  Charles  X.  to  the 
French  people. 

On  the  subject  of  the  revolution,  there  ex- 
ists the  greatest  variety  of  opinions,  the  ma- 
jority of  mankind,  however,  is  inclined  to  be- 
lieve that  the  present  form  of  government 
will  result  neither  in  the  happiness  nor  the 
glory  of  the  French  nation. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  193 

The  whole  is  an  illegitimate  and  confused 
proceeding,  tending  rather  to  degrade  than 
to  meliorate  the  condition  of  the  people, 
under  whose  special  sanction  and  ardent 
wish,  the  present  system  is  pompously  pre- 
tended to  have  been  modelled. 

At  present  the  government  appears  so  per- 
plexed and  perpetually  liable  to  fluctuations 
from  the  slightest  cause,  that  we  can  scarce 
look  upon  it  as  any  thing  else  than  an  inter- 
regnum— a garment  suited  for  a stormy  day 
which  may  be  shuffled  off  on  the  abatement 
of  the  tempest. 

Should  a monarchical  form  be  eventually 
adopted,  we  can  perceive  but  two  competi- 
tors for  the  throne,  the  duke  of  Bordeaux 
and  Napoleon;  the  one  by  right  of  inherit- 
ance according  to  the  constitution  of  Louis 
XVIII.  the  other  by  the  legitimate  choice  of 
the  people.  How  things  may  eventuate,  it  is 
impossible  to  predict,  though  it  is  not  diffi- 
cult to  infer  from  all  circumstances  that  no 
member  of  the  Capet  family  can  long  occu- 
py the  throne  of  France.  We  have  no  de- 
sire to  canvass  the  respective  claims  of  these 
candidates,  but  the  great  preponderancy  of 
sentiments  and  gratitude  appears  to  us  to  be 

R 


194 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


on  the  side  of  the  son  of  the  august  Emperor. 
Can  the  French  have  forgotten  their  golden 
age  of  glory  and  freedom?  Can  they  ever  for- 
get the  Jupiter  of  France  whose  eagles  never 
bore  a bolt  that  was  not  aimed  at  her  ene- 
mies and  slavery,  and  whose  thunders  re- 
sounded from  the  pyramids  of  Egypt  to  the 
towers  of  Moscow?  Can  a grateful  people 
permit  the  son  of  the  idolized  Napoleon  to 
linger  in  painful  exile  from  his  native  land 
rendered  so  illustrious  by  his  father,  while  a 
stranger  of  a despotic  family  flourishes  a 
sceptre  over  them? 

As  an  opinion,  emanating  from  a source 
so  unexceptionable  and  illustrious  as  that  of 
the  Count  de  Survilliers,  the  cherished  bro- 
ther and  bosom  friend  of  the  Emperor,  must 
bear  much  weight,  we  hasten  to  lay  before 
our  readers  a translation  of  his  letter  to  an 
officer;  of  which,  though  notoriginally  intend- 
ed for  publication,  we  have  been  politely  fa- 
voured with  a copy  from  Point  Breeze,  in 
the  French  language. 

“ To  Mr.  L.  formerly  a French  officer  of  the  Re- 
public and  the  Empire. 

“Sir, — I have  received  the  letter  in  which 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


195 


you  tender  your  services  to  accompany  me 
to  Europe,  in  case  that  circumstances  should 
require  my  presence;  nothing  hut  duty  could 
cause  me  to  leave  this  country.  Like  my 
brother  Napoleon,  I have  adopted  the  motto 
‘ all  for  the  French ,’  therefore  with  regard  to 
the  nation  I have  only  duties  to  fulfil,  and  no 
right  to  exercise  whether  in  my  own  name  or 
in  that  of  my  nephew.  Governments  are  a 
necessity  of  the  people,  who  can  either  erect 
or  demolish  them,  according  to  their  degree 
of  utility:  I am  therefore  resigned  to  conform 
to  the  will  of  the  nation,  when  legitimately 
expressed.  You  are  well  aware  that  three 
million  five  hundred  thousand  votes  called 
my  family  to  the  empire,  at  a period  when 
foreigners  had  no  influence  in  France;  you 
may  well  conceive  that  I cannot,  without 
apathy,  forget  that  my  nephew,  the  son  of 
my  brother,  was  proclaimed  by  the  chamber 
of  deputies  in  1815;  that  the  Emperor  abdi- 
cated only  on  that  condition;  that  the  bayo- 
nets of  strangers  alone  twice  brought  back 
the  Bourbons,  and  assisted  at  the  executions 
of  so  many  illustrious  champions  of  the  coun- 
try. 

“ I should  have  started  before  this,  had  I 


196 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


not  seen  among  the  national  names  of  the 
members  of  the  provisional  government,  that 
of  a prince  with  whom  mine  shall  never  be 
connected;  convinced  that  a Bourbon,  what- 
ever branch  he  may  belong  to,  is  not  suit- 
able for  my  country.  I have  repeatedly  told 
you,  that  the  only  house  in  France,  which  the 
nation  does  not,  and  cannot  wish  for,  is  the 
house  of  Bourbon;  had  that  family  loved 
France,  and  known  that  its  divorce  was  to  be 
eternal,  it  would  long  since  have  renounced 
every  pretension  to  the  throne;  this  divorce 
was  sealed  by  enough  of  French  and  foreign 
blood  during  twenty-five  years,  without  its 
being  necessary  for  it  to  cause  the  effusion,  a 
second  time,  of  the  blood  of  the  Parisians, 
beneath  the  mercenary  steel  of  the  Swiss. 

u The  great  destiny  of  the  revolution  is 
not  yet  decided:  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
thought  that  enough  of  blood  had  been  shed 
in  the  interior  of  France;  he  desired  to  close 
every  wound,  he  opened  the  country  to  all 
those  whom  he  considered  as  tired  of  civil 
war  as  he  was  himself;  he  sincerely  wished 
for  equality,  and  deferred  the  entire  liberty 
of  the  country  for  a general  peace.  When  an 
immense  and  dictatorial  power  was  no  longer 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


197 


requisite  to  resist  the  allied  powers  of  Eu- 
rope, always  roused  by  the  rivalship  of  Eng- 
land and  the  oligarchy  of  its  ministry,  he  de- 
sired to  conclude  the  revolution;  presented 
himself  as  mediator  in  France,  as  moderator 
in  Europe;  England  alone  compelled  him, 
by  the  wars  she  incessantly  provoked,  to 
achieve  conquests  which  she  subsequently 
denounced,  and  of  which  she  alone  was  the 
guilty  cause,  and  ended  by  blasting  in  France 
all  the  fruit  of  thirty  years  of  heroism  and 
victory,  by  imposing  this  family  of  the  good 
old  times,  on  a regenerated  nation. 

“ As  long  as  there  will  be  any  question  in 
France,  of  a branch  of  that  house,  I will  re- 
main where  I am;  my  family  does  not,  nor 
ever  did  it,  desire  a civil  war.  If  the  nation 
had  declared  for  a republic,  you  know  my 
sentiments — they  are  of  an  old  date — happy 
the  people  to  whom  I could  have  applied 
them  without  peril.  You  may  remember 
what  I have  often  told  the  Spaniards:  ‘ You 
never  could  have  so  much  liberty  as  I would 
wish  to  give  you,  but  it  is  requisite  to  pos- 
sess the  power  of  supporting  it;  time  is  a 
necessary  element  for  every  thing.’ 

“ It  is  affirmed  that  our  youth  have  made 
r 2 


198 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


great  progress  towards  the  doctrines  of  re- 
publicanism. Government  is  indubitably  a 
remedy  for  an  evil;  happy  the  country  which 
is  prudent  enough  to*  do  without  it;  we 
scarcely  perceive  a vestige  of  it  in  the  coun- 
try where  we  have  so  long  resided — but  can 
this  be  well  applied  to  France?  and  is  it  not 
the  irritation,  occasioned  by  the  absurd  pre- 
tensions of  rulers  who  have  lain  as  an  incu- 
bus upon  her  these  fifteen  years,  that  has 
stimulated  these  generous  young  men  to  a 
degree  of  enthusiasm,  perhaps  beyond  what 
suits  the  rest  of  their  fellow  citizens  and  the 
tranquillity  of  Europe,  at  the  present  day. 

“ There  remains  a third  hypothesis,  in 
which  case  I would  be  called  by  honour,  by 
duty,  by  all  I owe  to  emancipated  France,  to 
Napoleon  II.,  to  the  son  of  a brother  whom 
I am  bound  to  love  and  respect,  more  than 
any  one  on  earth;  because  I knew  him  from 
his  infancy  better  than  any  one,  and  because 
I am  certain  of  the  truth  of  his  sentiments 
and  his  opinions.  When  dying  on  the  rock 
of  St.  Helena,  he  told  me  through  the  pen  of 
general  Bertand,  ‘ Let  my  son  be  directed  by 
your  counsels,  let  him  never  forget  above  all 
that  he  is  a Frenchman,  that  France  may  en- 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


199 


joy  as  much  liberty  under  his  reign,  as  it  did 
equality  under  mine;  let  him  adopt  my  motto, 

1 ALL  FOR  THE  FRENCH.’ 

“ I have  positive  assurances  that  in  spite  of 
fortune,  Napoleon  II.  is  as  good  a French- 
man as  either  you  or  I;  he  will  be  worthy  of 
France  and  his  father.  * * * * 

“ Joseph  count  de  Survilliers, 
“ Point  Breeze,  Sept,  lith,  1830.” 


New  symptoms  of  discontent  are  rapidly 
developing  themselves  in  France,  and  resig- 
nations are  handed  in  from  all  quarters. 
Many  ministers,  apprehensive  of  the  over- 
throw of  the  Orleans  dynasty,  and  a repeti- 
tion of  the  revolutionary  drama,  have  thrown 
up  their  situations.  If  many  more  resign,  it 
may  be  difficult  for  Louis  Philip  to  find  men 
adventurous  enough  to  accept  the  vacant 
places.  By  an  ordinance,  dated  November 
3d,  he  appointed  Lafitte  to  be  President  of 
the  Council  and  Minister  of  Finance,  in  the 
place  of  Baron  Louis,  resigned.  The  Mar- 
shal Marquis  Maison,  to  be  Minister  of  Fo 
reign  Affairs,  in  the  place  of  Count  Mole,  re 


200 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


signed.  Count  Montalivet,  to  be  Minister 
of  the  Interior,  in  the  place  of  M.  Guizot,  re- 
signed. M.  Merilhon,  to  be  Minister  of  Pub- 
lic Instruction  and  Ecclesiastical  Affairs,  in 
the  place  of  the  Duke  de  Broglie,  resigned. 
The  other  gentlemen  composing  the  Council 
of  Ministers:,  are  M.  Dupont  de  l’Eure,  Mi- 
nister of  Justice;  Marshal  Gerard,  Minister 
of  War;  Count  Sebastiani,  Minister  of  Ma- 
rine. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


201 


Topographical  Notice  of  Places  referred  to  in 
the  foregoing  Chapters. 

RAMBOUILLET. 

A village  and  royal  chateau,  twelve  miles 
from  Paris. 

HOTEL  DE  VILLE. 

This  edifice  was  erected  in  1733,  after  the 
designs  of  an  Italian  architect,  named  Boc- 
caridora,  sometimes  called  Cortonna.  It  is 
worthy  the  traveller’s  attention  on  account 
of  its  antiquity,  and  the  extraordinary  scenes 
which  it  has  witnessed.  When  Louis  XVI. 
was  brought  from  Versailles,  he  was  ex- 
hibited to  the  populace  from  one  of  the  win- 
dows of  this  mansion.  Hither  Robespierre 
retreated  after  he  had  been  outlawed.  In 
front  of  the  Plotel  de  Ville  is  the  famous 
lamp-iron,  and  within  the  building  is  pre- 
served the  still  more  celebrated  guillotine. 

PLACE  DE  GREVE. 

This  square  was  the  appointed  scene  of 
public  executions.  The  ravages  of  the  mur- 


202 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


clerous  guillotine  will  long-  render  it  a place 
of  interest. 

PLACE  VENDOME. 

The  name  of  this  square  is  derived  from 
Cesar  de  Vendome,  for  whom  Henry  IV. 
built  an  hotel  in  this  quarter  of  the  city. 
The  marquis  de  Louvais,  in  the  reign  of 
Louis  XIV.,  wishing  to  form  a communica- 
tion between  Rue  St.  Honore,  and  Rue-des- 
Petits-Champs,  conceived  the  project  of 
building  a square  in  this  place. 

The  present  square  is  444  feet  long  and 
420  broad.  The  buildings  which  enclose  it 
on  three  sides  are  uniform,  and  have  a noble 
appearance.  They  are  decorated  with  Corin- 
thian pillars,  and  on  the  ground  floor  is  one 
continued  covered  gallery,  pierced  with  ar- 
cades. In  the  middle  was  an  equestrian  sta- 
tue of  Louis  XIV.  which  gave  way  to  a 
column  1 30  feet  high,  formed  on  the  model 
of  that  of  Antoninus,  at  Rome,  and  bearing  a 
statue  of  Napoleon.  The  statue  has  been 
taken  down,  but  the  column  remains. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


203 


THE  LOUVRE. 

This  is  the  most  ancient  of  the  royal  pa- 
laces. It  existed  in  the  time  of  Philip  Au- 
gustus, who  surrounded  it  with  towers  and 
moats. 

The  court  of  the  Louvre  presents  a per- 
fect square,  surrounded  by  buildings.  Three 
were  constructed  by  Perrauld.  They  are  of 
the  Corinthian  order,  and  each  has  three 
projecting  masses,  the  middle  one  of  which 
is  surrounded  by  a triangular  pediment. 
The  fourth  building  is  of  the  Composite 
order,  crowned  by  an  attic. 


THE  TUILERIES. 

This  edifice  derives  its  name  from  its 
being  erected  on  a piece  of  ground  appropri- 
ated to  the  manufacture  of  tiles.  It  was 
founded  by  Catharine  de  Medicis,  when 
Charles  IX.  destroyed  her  former  residence, 
the  Palace  Tournelles. 

The  palace  was  much  enlarged  by  Plenry 
IV.  and  afterwards  by  Louis  XIII.  The 
front  now  consists  of  five  pavilions,  com- 


204 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


prising  that  in  the  centre,  with  four  ranges 
of  buildings  connecting  them  together,  and 
forming  one  grand  fagade.  Every  order  of 
architecture  is  rendered  subservient  to  the 
embellishment  of  this  magnificent  edifice; 
but  the  Ionic  pillars  on  the  right  of  the  ter- 
race particularly  captivate  the  eye  by  their 
beautiful  proportion  and  exquisite  workman- 
ship. 

THE  PALAIS  ROYAL. 

This  building  is  in  form  of  a parallelo- 
gram, enclosing  a large  garden.  It  is  of 
the  most  elegant  modern  architecture,  little 
more  than  the  foundation  of  the  first  palace 
remaining.  It  is  surmounted  by  a parapet, 
decorated  with  immense  stone  vases  of  ex- 
quisite beauty,  while  pillars  of  the  Ionic 
order  form  a series  of  arcades,  through 
which  are  given  the  most  pleasing  prospects 
of  the  garden. 

The  Palais  Royal  presents  a very  curious 
and  amusing  spectacle.  Retaining  the  name 
of  palace,  with  all  the  magnificence  of  royal- 
ty, it  affords  a scene  of  mingled  splendour 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  205 

and  poverty,  beauty  and  deformity,  luxury 
and  misery,  which  defies  all  description. 
Under  the  arcades  at  one  end  is  a double 
row  of  little  shops,  in  which  is  the  most 
beautiful  and  fanciful  display  of  jewels, 
china,  prints,  books,  ribands,  clothes,  and 
indeed  of  every  possible  luxury.  Beneath 
are  subterranean  apartments,  in  one  of  which 
a motley  assemblage  is  tripping  it  to  the 
music  of  some  wretched  performer;  in  a 
second,  an  equally  ill-assorted  group  are  re- 
galing themselves  with  their  favourite  li- 
queurs, from  the  vin  de  Burgundie  to  simple 
small  beer;  in  a third,  a number  of  misera- 
ble objects  are  crowding  around  the  hazard 
or  the  billiard  table;  and,  if  you  dare  venture 
into  a fourth,  you  witness  the  most  disgust- 
ing scenes  of  debauchery  and  vice.  Ascend- 
ing once  more  to  the  arcades,  the  stranger 
admires  the  cleanly  and  elegant  appearance 
of  the  restaurateurs,  or  taverns.  The  Eng- 
lish epicure  can  form  no  conception  of  the 
rich  and  almost  innumerable  dishes  which 
there  invite  his  taste.  The  coffee  houses 
are  convenient  and  elegant,  and  constantly 
filled 


s 


206 


HISTORY  OK  THE 


BOULEVARDS. 

Paris  is  surrounded  by  the  ancient  and 
modern  boulevards,  comprising  an  extent  of 
seven  miles. 

The  old  boulevards  to  the  north,  called 
the  great  boulevards,  were  begun  in  1531, 
and  planted  in  1660  with  four  rows  of  trees, 
which  form  three  alleys^  the  middle  for  car- 
riages and  horsemen,  and  the  two  side 
ones  for  foot  passengers.  Upon  these  walks 
are  displayed  every  thing  that  can  attract 
and  interest  the  stranger.  Theatres,  coffee- 
houses, vauxhalls,  magnificent  hotels,  and 
taverns,  present  themselves  in  constant  suc- 
cession, while  bands  of  music  charm  the 
ears,  and  puppet-shows  and  jugglers  without 
number  divert  the  eyes. 

The  old  boulevards  to  the  south,  com- 
pleted in  1761,  extended  from  the  Observa- 
tory to  the  Hotel  of  Invalids,  the  walks  of 
which  are  longer  and  wider  than  the  others, 
and  the  trees  thrive  better. 


SAINT  CLOUD. 

The  village  and  palace  of  St.  Cloud  are 
situated  about  five  miles  from  Paris,  on  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  207 

banks  of  the  Seine.  This  place  derives  its 
name  from  very  remote  antiquity.  Clodoald, 
or  St.  Cloud,  grandson  of  Clovis,  having 
escaped  when  his  brothers  were  murdered, 
retired  to  this  place  to  escape  the  persecu- 
tion of  his  uncles,  and  founded  a monastery 
at  the  village  of  Nogent,  now  called  from 
him,  St.  Cloud. 

The  palace  of  St.  Cloud  is  justly  cele- 
brated for  its  beautiful  prospect,  its  gardens, 
its  park,  its  magnificent  cascades,  and  the 
master-pieces  of  painting  and  sculpture 
which  it  contains. 

The  entrance  to  the  palace  is  by  an  exten- 
sive court,  composed  of  a great  range  of 
buildings,  and  a facade  144  feet  in  length, 
and  72  in  height.  Two  pavilions  at  the  ex- 
tremity form  the  commencement  of  two 
wings  less  elevated.  The  ascent  to  the  state 
apartments  is  by  the  grand  staircase  to  the 
left,  the  pillars  and  balustrades  of  which  are 
composed  of  the  choicest  marble.  Four  sa- 
loons have  the  following  titles,  and  they  are 
embellished  by  corresponding  ornaments. 
The  Saloon  of  Spring  towards  the  garden, 
that  of  Summer  on  the  side  of  the  court,  that 
of  Autumn  likewise  towards  the  court,  and 


208 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  Saloon  of  Winter  facing  the  garden.  All 
the  apartments  are  adorned  with  a magnifi- 
cence becoming  a royal  residence. 


POLYTECHNIC  SCHOOL. 

This  school,  which  holds  the  most  distin- 
guished rank  among  the  establishments  of 
this  class,  is  intended  to  complete  the  educa- 
tion of  the  students  who  have  rendered  them- 
selves conspicuous  in  other  institutions.  For 
this  purpose  the  most  distinguished  masters 
in  every  branch  of  science,  are  employed  by 
the  government.  Every  year  a certain  num- 
ber of  scholars  are  admitted,  after  undergo- 
ing the  most  rigorous  examination.  The 
number  of  pupils  amounts  to  300.  The 
usual  course  of  study  is  three  years.  The 
school  possesses  an  excellent  philosophical 
and  chemical  apparatus,  and  a well-selected 
library,  containing  10,000  volumes.  Each 
pupil  is  allowed  200  livres  per  annum,  by 
government. 


PONT  DE  NEUILLY. 

This  village,  situated  on  the  road  from 
Paris  to  St.  Germain,  upon  the  banks  of  the 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830.  209 

Seine,  has  acquired  much  celebrity  on  ac- 
count of  its  magnificent  bridge,  delightful 
gardens,  and  the  interesting  views  which  it 
commands.  In  1 606  there  was  simply  a ferry 
at  this  village,  but  an  event,  which  nearly 
terminated  the  life  of  Henry  IY.  and  his 
suite,  led  to  the  construction  of  the  bridge. 
The  monarch  was  returning  from  St.  Ger- 
main with  his  queen  and  several  of  his  no- 
blesse. On  approaching  the  river,  the  horses, 
frightened  by  a thunder  storm,  precipitated 
themselves  into  the  water,  dragging  the 
vehicle  into  the  deepest  part;  and  had  not 
the  most  timely  assistance  been  given,  that 
great  king  and  his  companions  must  inevita- 
bly have  perished.  The  bridge  which  was 
built  upon  this  occasion  only  lasted  thirty- 
five  years;  after  which  period  the  present 
superb  structure  was  planned  and  executed, 
being  750  feet  long,  and  composed  of  five 
arches,  each  120  feet  wide,  and  30  feet  in 
height.  It  was  erected  after  the  design  of 
Perronnet.  It  was  opened  with  great  cere- 
mony in  1772. 

s 2 


210 


HISTORY  OF  THF.,  &C, 


VINCENNES. 

The  village  of  Vincennes  is  four  miles  and 
a half  from  Paris.  It  is  of  the  remotest  an- 
tiquity; and  was  inhabited  by  many  of  the 
early  kings  and  queens  of  France.  The 
palace,  which  was  erected  by  Francis  I.,  had 
the  appearance,  and  possessed  all  the  advan- 
tages, of  a fortress,  particularly  that  part  de- 
nominated the  dungeon.  In  this  fabric 
Charles  V.  expired,  and  here  the  warlike 
Henry  V.  of  England  breathed  his  last  in 
1422;  nor  is  there  a building  more  connect- 
ed with  curious  ancient  historical  incidents 
than  the  chateau  now  under  review.  Of 
more  recent  date  may  be  seen  the  apart- 
ments wherein  was  confined  the  prince  of 
Conde  in  1617,  and  forty  years  after,  the 
great  Conde  his  son.  Cardinal  Mazarine 
also  expired  at  Vincennes,  in  1661;  nor 
should  the  name  of  the  celebrated  Mirabeau 
be  omitted,  who  was  imprisoned  four  years 
within  the  walls  of  this  building,  during 
which  period  he  wrote  the  admirable  letters 
between  Gabriel  and  Sophia.  In  one  of  the 
moats  of  this  castle  the  duke  D’Enghein  was 
executed,  and  the  ex-ministers  were  confined 
here,  while  awaiting  their  sentence. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


211 


PEERS  OF  CHARLES  X. 

The  following  are  the  ninety -three  peers  of  France 
' who  have  been  disqualified  from  taking  their  seats 
under  the  new  government,  by  the  decision  of  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies: — 


Count  de  Villele,  Arch- 
bishop of  Bourges. 

Count  de  Chabons,  Bishop 
of  Amiens, 

Count  Salmon  du  Chatel- 
lier,  Bishop  of  Evereux. 

Count  de  Grammont  de 
Aste. 

Count  de  Cheverus,  Arch- 
bishop of  Bordeaux. 

Count  de  Montblanc,  Arch- 
bishop of  Tours. 

Count  de  Brault,  Arch- 
bishop of  Alby, 

Count  Morel  de  Mons, 
Archbishop  of  Avig- 
non. 

Count  de  Pins,  Archbish- 
op of  Amasie. 

Count  de  Divonne. 

Count  de  St.  Aldegonde. 

Marquis  de  Monteynard. 

Count  Eugene  de  Vogue. 

Count  de  Mostuejouls. 

Marquis  de  Mirepois-Le- 
vis. 

Count  de  Panis. 

Marquis  de  Neuville. 

Marquis  de  Conflans. 

Count  de  Bonneval. 


Marquis  de  Mac-Mahon. 
Baron  de  Grosbois. 

Count  de  Kergarion. 
Viscount  Chifflet. 

Count  d’Urre. 

Marquis  de  Radepont. 
Count  de  la  Fruglaye. 
Count  Budes  de  Guebriant. 
Marquis  de  Calviere. 
Viscount  de  Castlebajac. 
Duke  d’Esclignac. 

Baron  Sarret  de  Cousser- 
gues. 

Count  de  la  Vieuville. 
Marquis  de  Lancosme. 
Count  Ruze  d’Effiat. 

Count  de  Quinsonas. 
Marquis  de  Froissard. 
Marquis  de  Courtarvel. 
Count  Humbert  de  Ses- 
maison. 

Marquis  de  Colbert. 
Marquis  Aymar  de  Dam- 
pierre. 

Count  de  Bernis. 

Marquis  de  Civrac. 

Count  de  Kergolay. 

Count  de  Tocqueville. 
Viscount  de  St.  Maurie. 
Marquis  de  Bailly. 


212 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Count  d’lmecourt. 

Count  Dubotderu. 

Count  d’Hoffelize. 

Count  de  Caraman. 

Baron  de  Fr6uilly. 

Count  de  Choiseul. 

Prince  D'Arenberg. 

Prince  Duke  de  Berghes. 
Marquis  de  Tramecourt. 
Count  de  Bouille. 

Count  do  Pontgibaud. 
Count  d'Andlau. 

Marquis  d’Albon. 

Marquis  de  Beaurepaire. 
Count  de  la  Boullerie. 
Count  do  la  Panouze. 
Count  Hocquart. 

Prince  de  Croi-Sobre. 

* Marshal  Duke  de  Dal- 
matia. 

Marquis  Ferbin  des  Is- 
sarts. 

Viscount  Sapinand. 

Count  de  Lur-Saluces. 
Count  de  Nansouty. 


Count  de  Peyronnet. 
Cardinal  Duke  d’Tsoard, 
Archbishop  of  Auch. 

Duke  de  Cereste. 

Marquis  de  Puyvert. 

Baron  de  Vitrolles. 

Count  Val6e. 

Marquis  de  St.  Mauris. 
Marquis  de  Levis. 

Count  Ollivier. 

Prince  de  Montmorency. 
Count  de  Maquill6. 

Count  de  Rouge. 

Marquis  de  Gourguas. 
Viscount  de  Causans. 
Marquis  Desmonstiers  de 
Merinville. 

Count  de  Suzannet. 

Count  de  Villele. 

Count  de  Corbieres. 

Count  Ravez. 

Marquis  de  Tourzel. 
Count  de  Labourdonnaye. 
Count  Beugnot. 

* Admiral  Duperre. 


* The  Duke  of  Dalmatia  and  Admiral  Duperre  have 
been  made  peers  again  by  Louis  Philip. 


FRENCH  REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


213 


THE 

TWO  BRANCHES  OF  THE  ROYAL  FAMILY 

SINCE  HENRV  IV. 

HENRY  IV.,  king  of  France,  died  in  1610. 

1st.  DEGREE. 

Louis  XIII.,  king  of  France,  son  of  Henry  IV., 
died  in  1643. 


Philip,  duke  of  Or- 

Louis  XIV.,  king  of  gd  leans,  brother  to 

France,  son  of  Louis  Louis  XIV.,  hus- 

XIII.;  died  in  1715.  band  of  Henriette 

of  England ; died  in 
1701. 

Louis,  called  the  Great  Philip  II.,  duke  of  Or- 

Daupldn,  son  to  3d  leans,  son  of  the  pre- 
Louis  XIV.,  died  in  degree,  ceding,  regent;  died 
1711.  in  1723. 

Louis,  duke  of  Bur-  Louis, duke  ofOrleans, 

gundy,  dauphin,  son  4th  son  of  the  preceding; 

of  the  preceding  ; degree,  died  in  1785. 
died  in  1712. 

Louis  XV.,  king  of  Louis-Philip,  duke  of 

France,  son  of  the  5th  Orleans,  son  of  the 
preceding;  died  in  degree,  preceding;  died  in 
1774.  1785. 

Louis,  dauphin,  son  of  Louis-Philip,  (Ega- 

LouisXV.;  died  in  6th  lili.)Aake  ofOrleans, 
1765.  degree,  son  of  the  preceding; 

Had  three  sons  who  guillotined  in  1793. 

have  reigned  un- 
der the  following 
names : 


214 


HISTORY  OK  THE  ScC. 


Louis  XVI.,  ) 7th  Louis  Philip  I.  king 

Louis  XVIII.,*  > degree.  °f  the  French,  son 

Charles  X.,  ) of  the  preceding. 

Louis  Authony,  duke  "| 
of  Angouleme,  son  | 
of  Charles  X.  ( 8th 

Charles  Ferdi-  f degree 
hand,  duke  of  | 

Berry.  J 

Henry,  duke  of  Bor-  9th 

deaux,  son  of  the  degree. 

duke  of  Berry. 


* Louis  XVII.,  son  of  Louis  XVI.,  who  died  a child, 
does  not  augment  the  number  of  degrees  of  relation- 
ship. 


1 


Date  Due 


m 2-  a 48 


* CALL  NUMBER 


/ 


$bk,Q6 

S1X1H 


Vol. 


Date  ( for  periodical) 


944. 06 


S111H 


223324 


■ t‘W- 


